Le rassegne dell'Accademia Diritto e Migrazioni - ADiM

La sezione dedicata alle rassegne di ADiM fornisce ogni mese:

  • una selezione di articoli di stampa (“Rassegna stampa”) e di pubblicazioni scientifiche (“Rassegna scientifica”) ritenuti utili a promuovere un dibattito pubblico e scientifico informato;
  • un aggiornamento sulle principali pronunce della giurisprudenza internazionale, europea e nazionale (”Rassegna giurisprudenziale”).

RASSEGNA STAMPA - ADiM

Consulta le rassegne stampa mensili dell’Accademia Diritto e Migrazioni – ADiM

RASSEGNE SCIENTIFICHE - ADiM

Consulta le rassegne scientifiche mensili dell’Accademia Diritto e Migrazioni – ADiM

LIBRI

  • Raymond Taras, Nationhood, Migration and Global Politics. An Introduction, First Edition, Edinburgh University Press, November 2018
  • A new introduction to contemporary nationhood that sets it apart from national identity, nationalism and diversity. Drawing on extensive research in transnationalism and ethnic conflict around the world, Raymond Taras introduces the concepts of nation and nationalism as they now stand in light of major demographic changes brought about by global migration. The result is a framework for understanding the emergence of postmodern nationhood in the era of globalisation and beyond. Based on rich case studies of immigration worldwide, Taras shows that nationhood occurs when the receiving state negotiates ethnic differences to form a natural bond with immigrants, rather than insisting on blind loyalty to the majority culture. The goal is a broad, value-added society of diverse peoples and successful prevention of criminality, ghettoisation, extremism and even radicalisation through reasonable immigrant integration.

 

 

  • Mary Crock and Lenni B. Benson (eds.), Protecting Migrant Children. In Search of Best Practice, Elgar, 2018
  • Unprecedented numbers of children are crossing international borders seeking safety. Framed around compelling case studies explaining why children are on the move in Africa, the Americas, Asia, Europe, the Middle East and Oceania, this book explores the jurisprudence and processes used by nations to adjudicate children’s protection claims. The book includes contributions from leading scholars in immigration, refugee law, children’s rights and human trafficking which critically examine the strengths and weaknesses of international and domestic laws with the aim of identifying best practice for migrant children.

 

 

  • Reihan Salam, Melting Pot or Civil War?: A Son of Immigrants Makes the Case Against Open Borders, New York, September 2018
  • For too long, liberals have suggested that only cruel, racist, or nativist bigots would want to restrict immigration. Anyone motivated by compassion and egalitarianism would choose open, or nearly-open, borders—or so the argument goes. Now, Reihan Salam, the son of Bangladeshi immigrants, turns this argument on its head. In this deeply researched but also deeply personal book, Salam shows why uncontrolled immigration is bad for everyone, including people like his family. Our current system has intensified the isolation of our native poor, and risks ghettoizing the children of poor immigrants. It ignores the challenges posed by the declining demand for less-skilled labor, even as it exacerbates ethnic inequality and deepens our political divides. If we continue on our current course, in which immigration policy serves wealthy insiders who profit from cheap labor, and cosmopolitan extremists attack the legitimacy of borders, the rise of a new ethnic underclass is inevitable. Even more so than now, class politics will be ethnic politics, and national unity will be impossible. Salam offers a solution, if we have the courage to break with the past and craft an immigration policy that serves our long-term national interests. Rejecting both militant multiculturalism and white identity politics, he argues that limiting total immigration and favoring skilled immigrants will combat rising inequality, balance diversity with assimilation, and foster a new nationalism that puts the interests of all Americans—native-born and foreign-born—first.

 

 

  • Francesca Ippolito, Seline Trevisanut (ed.), Migration in the Mediterranean. Mechanisms of International Cooperation, Cambridge, December 2018
  • Mediterranean states have developed various cooperation mechanisms in order to cope with the issues that arise from migration. This book critically analyses how institutional actors act and interact on the international scene in the control and management of migration in the Mediterranean. It highlights how, even though the involvement of ‘universal’ international organisations guarantees a certain balance in setting the goals of cooperation mechanisms and buttresses a certain coherence of the actions, the protection of migrants’ fundamental rights is still an objective as opposed to a reality, and security imperatives and trends still prevail in the aftermath of the 2011 Arab Spring.

 

 

 

 

 

ARTICOLI

 

 

  • Marko Valenta, Moa Nyamwathi Lønning  Jo Jakobsen  Drago Župarić-Iljić, European Asylum Policies and the Stranded Asylum Seekers in Southeastern Europe, in Journal of Refugee Studies, 2019
  • This article focuses on the restrictive European asylum policies and on their humanitarian consequences in Southeastern Europe. We discuss two interrelated topics: (i) the dynamic of the migration of asylum seekers to Europe and (ii) the specific position of Southeastern European countries and the situation of stranded migrants in the region. We identify central elements in the European asylum system and suggest that different parts of the system may be seen as a set of interacting lines of deterrence used to curb asylum migrations. It is argued herein that Greece and the other countries at the southern borders of the European Union have an idiosyncratic position within the European system of deterrence. Furthermore, we discuss how European deterrence policies and local responses influence the migration patterns of asylum seekers in Southeastern Europe. It is maintained that the deterrence measures have contributed to increasing the number of stranded asylum seekers in the region, especially in Greece with clear and regrettable humanitarian consequences.

 

 

  • Rogier Bartels, The Relationship between International Humanitarian Law and the Notion of State Sovereignty, in Journal of Conflict and Security Law, December 2018, Volume 23, Issue 3, p. 461–486.
  • This article explores the relationship between the laws of armed conflict, or international humanitarian law (IHL), and the international legal concept of State sovereignty. Historically, only wars between sovereign States were subject to regulation by the laws of war. From the 19th century onwards, States agreed upon a significant number of IHL treaties and in 1949, despite calls upon sovereignty, they accepted that international law can also regulate non-international armed conflicts by extending a limited part of the IHL rules to this type of conflict. Since then, through the formation of customary international law and, in part, as result of new treaties, it has been accepted that the majority of IHL rules have become applicable to armed conflicts of a non-international character. In addition, international institutions have been set up to prosecute individuals for serious violations of IHL. The author discusses how IHL and sovereignty have influenced each other’s development. The analysis shows that the development of IHL must not be seen as limiting State sovereignty, but rather ought to be regarded as a manifestation of sovereignty, expressed through the formation of this branch of international law by its core subjects: States. At the same time, as a result of the increased reliance on means other than treaties for clarification and development of IHL, the role of States has become more limited; it is reduced to either accepting or rejecting the prospective developments of IHL and any consequential impact on their sovereignty.

 

 

  • Mario Giro, Le migrazioni dall’Africa: una “rivoluzione dell’io”, in il Mulino, n. 5/18

    “Lo Stato africano indipendente nasce come una realtà forte, accentratrice e autoritaria. Il potere si concentra attorno a poche élite (nella definizione africana: i clan/le famiglie/i lignaggi più importanti), strette a loro volta attorno al «capo», in genere il «presidente fondatore» o il «rifondatore» della Repubblica. Attorno al capo agiscono le rivalità dei vari clan, sia quelli già autorevoli, sia quelli che vogliono emergere. Il miglior capo è colui che sa creare attorno a sé un equilibrio stabile tra le varie dispute (fazioni?). In tale contesto di alleanze, dall’inizio degli anni Sessanta fino alla fine degli anni Ottanta, il potere reale del sistema risiede nella capacità dello Stato (e di chi lo dirige) di distribuire risorse e prebende. Lo Stato è tutto: rappresenta non solo l’ordinatore della vita sociale, ma anche l’economia, intesa come impiego pubblico. L’unico vero sbocco lavorativo per i giovani è entrare nella «funzione pubblica». Nel corso degli anni, la burocrazia statale africana diviene sempre più esorbitante: una forma di controllo pervasivo, ma anche un metodo di redistribuzione…”

 

  • Carmelo Danisi, What ‘Safe Harbours’ are There for People Seeking International Protection on Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity Grounds? A Human Rights Reading of International Law of the Sea and Refugee Law, in GenIUS, 2018, n. 2
  • Nel contesto della “crisi” del Mediterraneo con la chiusura dei porti ai migranti diretti in Europa, questo contributo si interroga su cosa sia efettivamente un “porto sicuro” per coloro che chiedono protezione internazionale sulla base dell’orientamento sessuale e/o dell’identità di genere (SOGI). A tal fne, si procede con una lettura delle norme applicabili, specie quelle relative al diritto internazionale del mare e al diritto internazionale dei rifugiati, alla luce degli sviluppi in materia di diritti umani. Inoltre, si guarda anche alla questione della possibile applicazione extraterritoriale degli obblighi assunti in tale materia sia dagli Stati europei sia dall’Ue al fne di garantire rotte sicure a tali richiedenti. Si ritiene, infatti, che garantire un “porto sicuro” ai richiedenti SOGI implichi una visione più ampia del concetto di “place of safety” a esso collegato, tanto in termini di rotte, di destinazioni dopo le operazioni di salvataggio in mare e di accoglienza. A ben vedere, se applicate in modo efettivo e con la dovuta diligenza, gli obblighi già assunti dagli Stati europei e dall’Ue potrebbero migliorare la condizione di tali richiedenti durante il loro viaggio e arrivo in Europa.

 

 

RAPPORTI

Libri

 

  • Charlotte Lülf, Conflict Displacement and Legal Protection, Understanding Asylum, Human Rights and Refugee Law, Routledge, 2019 (febbraio)
  • While the 21st century bears witness to several conflicts leading to mass displacement, the conflict in Syria has crystallised the need for a solid legal framework and legal certainty. This book analyses the relevant legal instruments for the provision of a protection status for persons fleeing to Europe from conflict and violence. It focuses on the conceptualisation of conflict and violence in the countries of origin and the different approaches taken in the interpretation of them in the 1951 Refugee Convention, the Recast Qualification Directive of the European Union and the European Convention on Human Rights. It traces the hierarchical order of protection granted, starting with refugee protection status, to subsidiary protection status and finally with the negative protection from non-refoulement. Recent case law and asylum status determination practices of European countries illustrate the obstacles in the interpretation as well as the divergence in the application of the legal instruments. The book fills an important gap in examining the current practices of key actors, including the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees and European states, tracing changes in national and international policies and revealing discrepancies towards contemporary approaches to conflicts. It refines the interaction and cross-fertilisation of the different relevant fields of European asylum law, human rights law and the laws of armed conflict in order to further the development of a harmonised protection regime for conflict-induced displacement

 

  • Jane Freedman, Zeynep Kivilcim, Nurcan Özgür Baklacıoğlu (Eds.), A Gendered Approach to the Syrian Refugee Crisis, Routledge, 2019 (gennaio)
  • The refugee crisis that began in 2015 has seen thousands of refugees attempting to reach Europe, principally from Syria. The dangers and difficulties of this journey have been highlighted in the media, as have the political disagreements within Europe over the way to deal with the problem. However, despite the increasing number of women making this journey, there has been little or no analysis of women’s experiences or of the particular difficulties and dangers they may face. A Gendered Approach to the Syrian Refugee Crisis examines women’s experience at all stages of forced migration, from the conflict in Syria, to refugee camps in Lebanon or Turkey, on the journey to the European Union and on arrival in an EU member state. The book deals with women’s experiences, the changing nature of gender relations during forced migration, gendered representations of refugees, and the ways in which EU policies may impact differently on men and women. The book provides a nuanced and complex assessment of the refugee crisis, and shows the importance of analysing differences within the refugee population. Students and scholars of development studies, gender studies, security studies, politics and middle eastern studies will find this book an important guide to the evolving crisis.

 

  • Katherine Tonkiss, Tendayi Bloom (Edited by), Theorising Noncitizenship Concepts, Debates and Challenges, Routledge, 2019 (gennaio)
  • ‘Noncitizenship’, if it is considered at all, is generally seen only as the negation or deprivation of citizenship. It is rarely examined in its own right, whether in relation to States, to noncitizens, or citizens. This means that it is difficult to examine successfully the status of noncitizens, obligations towards them, and the nature of their role in political systems. As a result, not only are there theoretical black holes, but also the real world difficulties created as a result of noncitizenship are not currently successfully addressed. In response, Theorising Noncitizenship seeks to define the theoretical challenge that noncitizenship presents and to consider why it should be seen as a foundational concept in social science. The contributions, from leading scholars in the field and across disciplinary backgrounds, capture a diversity of perspectives on the meaning, position and lived experience of noncitizenship. They demonstrate that, we need to look beyond citizenship in order to take noncitizenship seriously and to capture fully the lived realities of the contemporary State system. This book was previously published as a special issue of Citizenship Studies.

 

  • Isabel M. Borges, Environmental Change, Forced Displacement and International Law. From legal protection gaps to protection solutions, Routledge, 2018 (dicembre)
  • This book explores the increasing concern over the extent to which those suffering from forced cross-border displacement as a result of environmental change are protected under international human rights law. Formally they are not entitled to admission or stay in a third state country, a situation that has been identified as an international “legal protection gap”. The book seeks to provide answers to two basic questions: whether and to what extent existing international law protects cross-border environmental displacement, and whether and how existing formalized regional complementary protection standards can interpretively solidify and conceptualize protection for cross-border environmental displacement. The discussion outlines that the protection of the human person is not only an ex post facto obligation of states, but must be increasingly seen as an ex ante one. The analysis further suggests that the European Union regionally orientated protection regime can help states to consolidate an evolving protection paradigm of proactive and reactive measures being erected at the international level. It can also narrow the identified legal protection gaps. In so doing, it helps states to reconceptualise protection as a holistic and dynamic enterprise. This book will be of great interest to academics in law, political science and human rights, policy makers and civil society organisations both at national and international level.

 

  • Ilenia Ruggiu, Culture and the Judiciary. The Anthropologist Judge, Routledge, 2018 (dicembre)
  • How can jurists resolve multicultural conflicts? Which kind of questions should judges ask when culture enters the horizon of the law? Are they then called to become anthropologists? Through the analysis of hundreds of cases produced through decades of multicultural jurisprudence, this book reconstructs the constitutional and anthropological narratives and the legal techniques used by Western judges to face the challenges posed by multiculturalism: from Japanese parent–child suicide to the burqa, from Jewish circumcision to Roma begging, from kissing a son on his genitals to the claim of indigenous people to fish salmon in natural parks, the book brings the reader into a fascinating journey at the crux of the encounter between the relativism of anthropology and the endeavor toward a democratic coexistence pursued by the law. After identifying the recurrent themes or topoi used by judges and lawyers, this book critically analyzes them, evaluates their persuasive power and suggests a “cultural test” that gathers together the crucial questions to be answered when resolving a multicultural dispute. The “cultural test” is a matrix that guides the judge, lawyers and legislatures across the intricate paths of multiculturalism, to assure a relational dialogue between the law and anthropology.

 

  • Alessandra Annoni, La protezione dei minori non accompagnati al centro del dibattito europeo ed italiano, Napoli – Jovene, 2018.
  • Il volume raccoglie gli atti del Workshop organizzato dal CDE di Ferrara in collaborazione con il Gruppo di interesse Diritto Internazionale ed Europeo delle Migrazioni e dell’Asilo (DIEMA) della Società italiana di Diritto internazionale e di Diritto dell’Unione europea, nell’ambito del Progetto 2017 della Rete italiana dei CDE «60 anni di Unione europea: sfide e prospettive per l’Europa di oggi e di domani», con il contributo finanziario della Rappresentanza in Italia della Commissione europea. I contributi affrontano il tema della protezione dei minori non accompagnati nel diritto internazionale, nel diritto UE e nel diritto italiano, soffermandosi sulla questione della nozione giuridica di vulnerabilità, sul tema della detenzione dei minori stranieri non accompagnati e sull’istituto della tutela, così come disciplinato dalla legge n. 47 del 2017 (c.d. Legge Zampa).

 

Articoli

 

  • Philipp Lutz, Variation in policy success: radical right populism and migration policy, in West European Politics, 2019, Volume 42 – Issue 3, p. 517 ss.
  • How do radical right populist parties influence government policies in their core issue of immigration? This article provides a systematic analysis of the direct and indirect effects of radical right anti-immigration parties on migration policy reforms in 17 West European countries from 1990 to 2014. Insights from migration policy theory serve to explain variations in the migration policy success of the radical right. While previous studies mostly treat migration policy as uniform, it is argued that this approach neglects the distinct political logics of immigration and integration policy. This article reveals significant variations in policy success by policy area. While immigration policies have become more liberal despite the electoral success of the radical right, when the radical right is in government office it enacts more restrictions in integration policies. Accordingly, anti-immigrant mobilisation is more likely to influence immigrants’ rights than their actual numbers.

 

  • Edgar Grande, Politicizing immigration in Western Europe, in Journal of European Public Policy, 2019.
  • Immigration has become a hot topic in West European politics. The factors responsible for the intensification of political conflict on this issue are a matter of considerable controversy. This holds in particular for the role of socio-economic factors and of radical right populist parties. This article explores the politicization of immigration issues and its driving forces in the electoral arena. It is based on a comparative study using both media and manifesto data covering six West European countries (Austria, France, Germany, Netherlands, Switzerland, and the UK) for a period from the early 1990s until 2017. We find no association between socio-economic factors and levels of politicization. Political conflict over immigration follows a political logic and must be attributed to parties and party competition rather than to ‘objective pressures.’ More specifically, we provide evidence that the issue entrepreneurship of radical right populist parties plays a crucial role in explaining variation in the politicization of immigration.

 

  • Simone Moriconi, Giovanni Peri, Riccardo Turati, Skill of the Immigrants and Vote of the Natives: Immigration and Nationalism in European Elections 2007-2016, in NBER Working Paper No. 25077.
  • In this paper we document the impact of immigration at the regional level on Europeans’ political preferences as expressed by voting behavior in parliamentary or presidential elections between 2007 and 2016. We combine individual data on party voting with a classification of each party’s political agenda on a scale of their “nationalistic” attitudes over 28 elections across 126 parties in 12 countries. To reduce immigrant selection and omitted variable bias, we use immigrant settlements in 2005 and the skill composition of recent immigrant flows as instruments. OLS and IV estimates show that larger inflows of highly educated immigrants were associated with a change in the vote of citizens away from nationalism. However the inflow of less educated immigrants was positively associated with a vote shift towards nationalist positions. These effects were stronger for non-tertiary educated voters and in response to non-European immigrants. We also show that they are consistent with the impact of immigration on individual political preferences, which we estimate using longitudinal data, and on opinions about immigrants. Conversely, immigration did not affect electoral turnout. Simulations based on the estimated coefficients show that immigration policies balancing the number of high-skilled and low-skilled immigrants from outside the EU would be associated with a shift in votes away from nationalist parties in almost all European regions.

 

  • Damian Lilly, UNRWA’s Protection Mandate: Closing the ‘Protection Gap’, in International Journal of Refugee Law, Volume 30, Issue 3, 30 December 2018, Pages 444–473.
  • Palestinian refugees represent the largest protracted displacement situation in the world. It has been suggested that they experience a ‘protection gap’ because of the limited applicability of international refugee law and the lack of a UN entity with an explicit mandate for their protection. Such claims, however, have overly focused on the status of Palestinian refugees under the 1951 Convention relating to the Status of Refugees and the lack of a UN agency with responsibility for promoting durable solutions for them. This article argues that there are many aspects of international law other than the Refugee Convention, that are relevant to the protection of Palestinian refugees, and that the protection mandate of the UN Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA) has also evolved significantly in recent years and now addresses many of the protection challenges they face. As such, the suggestion that they face a ‘protection gap’ is significantly exaggerated. While Palestinian refugees continue to be confronted by serious protection challenges, the protection that UNRWA is able to provide them is not too dissimilar to that provided by other humanitarian organizations, including the protection UNHCR provides for other refugees globally. In this sense, the legal and institutional impediments to the protection of Palestinian refugees have narrowed.

 

  • Shani Bar-Tuvia, Australian and Israeli Agreements for the Permanent Transfer of Refugees: Stretching Further the (Il)legality and (Im)morality of Western Externalization Policies, in International Journal of Refugee Law, Volume 30, Issue 3, 30 December 2018, Pages 474–511.
  • This article examines a new and unprecedented policy that has been recently implemented by Australia and Israel against refugees, namely their permanent transfer to less developed and less stable countries in return for some form of payment to these receiving countries. It argues that these policies should be seen as part of an all-Western ‘externalization’ trend, encompassing various policies that were implemented by Western countries over the past two decades with the goal of reducing the number of asylum seekers on a country’s territory. The Australian and Israeli transfers share not only this goal of previous externalization policies, but also some of their methods. Notwithstanding these similarities, the article explores how the Australian and Israeli transfers differ from the externalization precedents, and particularly from ‘Safe Third Country’ transfers. Two main distinctions are discussed. First, these are not transfers for the purpose of Refugee Status Determination, but rather permanent transfers of people with a clear need for international protection. Secondly, the receiving countries are not ‘transit’ countries through which people have crossed. These two differences mean that the Australian and Israeli policies stretch the already questionable legality and morality of previous externalization policies. It is argued that, legally, even if the transfers do not amount to direct refoulement, they constitute ‘constructive’ refoulement, clearly putting Israel in violation of article 32 of the 1951 Refugee Convention (prohibition on expulsion), and both countries in violation of article 3 (prohibition on discrimination), and potentially additional articles. It is further argued that the transfers are unconscionable for several important non-legal reasons: they affect the well-being of vulnerable people, they have no justification (apart from deterrence), they are confidential and extremely expensive, and they constitute a new level of arbitrary burden shifting to poorer and less stable countries. As long as they are seen as a continuation of an established all-Western externalization trend, their unconscionability should prompt scrutiny of the trend as a whole.

 

  • Jinske Verhellen, Cross-Border Portability of Refugees’ Personal Status, in Journal of Refugee Studies, Volume 31, Issue 4, 1 December 2018, Pages 427–443.
  • European countries will sooner or later inevitably be confronted—again—with important legal issues that transcend the current short-term crisis management (reception of refugees, ‘bed-bath-bread’ and other logistical issues). This article will take a closer look at one of the long-term legal concerns, namely the cross-border portability of refugees’ personal status (age, parental status, marital status, etc.). It will discuss legal problems encountered by asylum seekers/refugees with regard to their personal status acquired in one country and transferred to another country (such as the absence of documentary evidence, the issue of limping legal relationships). At present, insufficient research data exists on the interaction between international refugee law (relating to the rights and obligations of states regarding the protection of refugees) and private international law (dealing with private relationships in a cross-border context). These interactions are not new, but the current refugee flows into Europe prove in a striking way how ineffective the interplay between the two sets of rules is. The article will discuss the private international law concept of personal status in international refugee law and the international refugee protection in private international law instruments.

 

  • Murdoch Stephens, Rethinking Frameworks for Refugee Advocacy: An Analysis Grounded in Political and Democratic Institutions, in Journal of Refugee Studies, Volume 31, Issue 4, 1 December 2018, Pages 528–543.
  • A human rights framework has become the default approach to framing advocacy for the rights of refugees. However, with the process of refugee resettlement expanding, there is a need for a framework that would help refugee advocates to conceptualize their relationship to the democratic institutions that facilitate and maintain rights-based approaches. Working through Chantal Mouffe’s distinction between liberal and democratic ideals, this article proposes a democratic framework that works as a supplement to a rights framework. The democratic framework orientates advocates towards working with other advocacy groups, media, politicians and the general public. This framework is illustrated through three key points in the efforts of New Zealand refugee advocates to achieve the first refugee quota increase in that country since 1987.

 

 

  • Daniela Vitiello, The Dublin System and Beyond: Which Way Out of the Stalemate?, in Diritti umani e diritto internazionale, 2018, n. 3 (settembre-dicembre), pp. 463-480.
  • The Common European Asylum System can be envisioned as a ‘progressive development’ of the international refugee regime at the regional level. However, the foundational “raison d’être” of its prime operational tool – the Dublin Regulation – is connected to the ‘exclusionary function’ of the common external borders of the Union. The inherent irrationality of Dublin cooperation has led to its recurrent deadlocks. Their impact on both asylum seekers’ rights and the principles guiding intra-EU cooperation has been tested before the European Court of Human Rights and the European Court of Justice on several occasions since the landmark rulings in the cases “M.S.S.” and “N.S.” The dialogue between the Courts offers precious guidance for a sustainable and effective reform of the Dublin system, but also calls on the EU legislator to do its part. On the contrary, the replacement of Dublin with greater externalisation, proposed by the European Council and the Commission since June 2018, seems unsuited for the purpose. This paper charters relevant case law and legislative “status quo”, in order to explore more legitimate and feasible alternatives to eventually escape from the Dublin stalemate.

 

 

 

 

  • Yvonne Donders, Towards a Right to Cultural Identity? Yes, Indeed!, in Diritti umani e diritto internazionale, 2018, n. 3 (settembre-dicembre), pp. 523-548.
  • The aim of this contribution is to ascertain whether a right to cultural identity can be considered as existing in the context of international human rights law. In the past two decades the recognition of such a right in relevant practice has in fact progressively grown, to the point that it has attained huge consideration among human rights experts and practitioners. Is the said practice sufficient to support the position that a right to cultural identity actually exists as a ‘self-standing’ right? The answer should be no if ‘exist’ means that it is a rule incorporated in positive law. So far States have not incorporated cultural identity as a substantive right in an international treaty or other legal instrument. The lack of common State practice and “opinio juris”, reflected in the limited amount of and specialized caselaw, makes that the right to cultural identity can probably not be considered a rule of international customary law. However, the answer is instead yes if one looks beyond a strict rule and sees the right to cultural identity as an important emerging norm. This norm can be part of other existing human rights, but it is increasingly becoming a self-standing norm developed by caselaw and other interpretative documents.

 

  • Federico Lenzerini, Freewheeling and Provocative: Why Using Pre-established Criteria for Settling Culturally-based Human Rights Disputes Is Impracticable, in Diritti umani e diritto internazionale, 2018, n. 3 (settembre-dicembre), pp. 549-576.
  • While human rights reclaim universalism, the concrete expectations arising from them are in many cases determined by the cultural specificity of the people concerned. The fact of trying – to the extent possible – to meet these expectations is an imperative inherent in human rights, for the reason that the main aspiration of the latter is to guarantee their own effectiveness, which translates into a requirement that they are guaranteed on the basis of “effective equality”. But effective equality inescapably requires that different situations are treated differently. This is the reason why the search for objective pre-determined criteria aimed at settling culturally-determined human rights controversies, as well as at establishing whether a given cultural practice is compatible with human rights standards, is impracticable. In fact, in such cases the solution may only be determined on a case-by-case basis, through balancing the different rights at stake with each other and ascertaining (to the extent possible) which of them is to be attributed more weight in each concrete case.

 

 

  • Silvia Scarpa, Contemporary Forms of Slavery, Brussels: European Union, 2018 (dicembre)
  • This briefing aims to clarify the concept of contemporary forms of slavery and analyse the legal obligations of States, as well as recent international developments at global and EU levels. It highlights the inconsistent application of the concept by global governance actors and discusses the inclusion of various exploitative practices within this conceptual framework. It also examines the prevalence of contemporary forms of slavery and assesses the policy framework for EU external action. The briefing then recommends possible action by the EU, including: promotion of a more consistent definition and use of the concept of contemporary forms of slavery and further clarifications on the relationship with the human trafficking and forced labour frameworks; a role for the EU as catalyst in achieving the Sustainable Development Goals and Targets in the field of all contemporary forms of slavery; support for standardising methods of data collection globally. Finally, the paper invites the EU to assess the possibility of drafting a new treaty on contemporary forms of slavery, as a way to fill some existing loopholes at the international level.

 

  • Cristiana Fiamingo, Ma davvero il Franco CFA è la causa del fenomeno migratorio?, in federalismi.it, 2019, n. 3
  • Nella recente polemica circa l’incidenza del Franco CFA sul fenomeno migratorio, innescata il 20 gennaio da un autorevole esponente del M5S quale Di Battista, nel corso della nota trasmissione “Che tempo che fa”, e rimbalzata da un comizio elettorale ad Avezzano dal vice-presidente del consiglio Di Maio, il giorno successivo, molti sono i punti quantomeno controversi, ma si possono cogliere anche aspetti positivi. Parto proprio da questi ultimi.

 

  • Alberta De Fusco, Il diritto allo sport per i minori di origine straniera, in federalismi.it, 2019, n. 4.
  • Tra i percorsi dei giovani di origine straniera nel tessuto sociale italiano vi è certamente quello della pratica sportiva; pertanto, è proprio in rapporto alle enormi potenzialità di tale veicolo di integrazione che si intende indagare l’effettività del diritto allo sport per i minori con background migratorio. Non appare neanche in questa sede preliminarmente opportuno chiarire che si individuano attualmente diverse tipologie di minori stranieri, che possono in generale essere ricondotte alla categoria delle “seconde generazioni dell’immigrazione” considerata nella sua accezione più estesa, che ricomprende: i minori nati in Italia da genitori stranieri, i minori ricongiunti, i minori non accompagnati, i minori rifugiati, i minori arrivati per adozione internazionale, i figli di coppie miste, che più di recente sta assumendo la denominazione di “nuove generazioni italiane”. Se la realizzazione di una società multiculturale a basso livello di conflittualità passa attraverso l’effettiva integrazione degli immigrati, una particolare attenzione deve essere dedicata proprio ai ragazzi di origine straniera ed alla loro inclusione, ciò fondandosi specialmente sull’accesso ai diritti, tra i quali vi è senz’altro il diritto allo sport.

 

  • Giovanni Guzzetta, Il caso Diciotti: tra responsabilità giuridica e responsabilità politica, in federalismi.it, 2019, n. 4.
  • Come spesso accade, quando questioni ad alta infiammabilità politica incrociano procedure costituzionali vi è il rischio concreto che anche l’interpretazione delle norme da applicare diventi oggetto di scontro politico. Il caso dell’autorizzazione per il Ministro Salvini ne è un esempio da manuale, per più di una ragione. La prima ovviamente riguarda l’oggetto del procedimento. L’ipotesi di reato di sequestro di persona per la vicenda Diciotti è già di per sé sufficiente a riscaldare gli animi, tanto più se ciò accade dopo mesi di confronto molto aspro sulla politica dell’immigrazione e a fronte di una palese divergenza tra gli stessi organi della magistratura, attesa la nota (anche se non divulgata) richiesta di archiviazione del Procuratore della Repubblica di Catania, disattesa del Tribunale dei Ministri che ha richiesto, invece, l’autorizzazione a procedere. La seconda ragione di incandescenza della questione risiede nelle possibili conseguenze politiche discendenti dall’uno o dall’altro esito del voto. Conseguenze destinate, in entrambi i casi, a ripercuotersi sulle preoccupazioni per la tenuta della maggioranza che sostiene il governo, e che il “sondaggio” tra gli iscritti di una delle forze politiche che la compongono non sembra aver del tutto scongiurato. La terza ragione deriva dalla una certa approssimazione con la quale, nel dibattito pubblico, l’autorizzazione a procedere nei confronti dei membri del governo per i reati funzionali, viene sovrapposta e talvolta assimilata al modello di autorizzazione a procedere del vecchio art. 68 cost. e allo stesso modello di giustizia “speciale” previsto dal vecchio art. 96 Cost.

 

 

  • Annick Pijnenburg, Thomas Gammeltoft-Hansen and Conny Rijken, From Italian Pushbacks to Libyan Pullbacks: Is Hirsi 2.0 in the Making in Strasbourg?, in European Journal of Migration and Law, 2018
    This article discusses the application that was recently lodged with the European Court of Human Rights alleging that Italy is responsible for its involvement in pullbacks by the Libyan coast guard. It places the case in the wider context of migration control policies and the Hirsi case in particular. The article examines different pullback scenarios which feature in the application lodged with the Court, and discusses different ways in which the Court can address the issues raised. The analysis focuses particularly on the question whether the Court is likely to find that Italy exercises jurisdiction and whether Italy could incur derived responsibility for its involvement in the pullbacks. The article concludes by suggesting that holding Italy responsible would require the Court to move beyond established precedent in its case-law. Although this is a move which can be difficult to make given the political tide in Europe, it would not be the first time that the Court takes its case-law, and thereby human rights protection, a step further.

 

  • Thomas Spijkerboer, The Global Mobility Infrastructure: Reconceptualising the Externalisation of Migration Control, in European Journal of Migration and Law, no. 3, 2018
    Since the end of the Cold War, migration law and policy of the global North has been characterised by externalisation, privatisation and securitisation. These developments have been conceptualised as denying access to migrants and as politics of non-entrée. This article proposes to broaden the analysis, and to analyse unwanted migration as merely one form of international human mobility by relying on the concept of the global mobility infrastructure. The global mobility infrastructure consists of the physical structures, services and laws that enable some people to move across the globe with high speed, low risk, and at low cost. People who have no access to it travel slowly, with high risk and at high cost. Within the global mobility infrastructure, travellers benefit from advanced forms of international law. For the excluded, international law reflects and embodies their exclusion before, during and after their travel to the global North. Exclusion is based on nationality, race, class and gender. The notion of the global mobility infrastructure allows for questioning the way in which international law reproduces these forms of stratification.

 

  • Lena Riemer, The ECtHR as a drowning ‘Island of Hope’?’ Its impending reversal of the interpretation of collective expulsion is a warning signal, in verfassungsblog.de, 19 Febbraio 2019.
    The outcome of the currently pending case ND and NT v. Spain before the Grand Chamber may determine the future course of the Court in other migration policy related cases. This particular case deals with Spain’s policy of ‘devoluciones en caliente’ or ‘hot returns’ in Melilla. These are immediate returns of foreign citizens who have been intercepted at the Spanish-Moroccan border area without even assessing these individuals’ identity. The public hearing before the Grand Chamber took place last fall and the pronouncement of the judgment is expected soon. The judgment could be yet another setback for the interpretation of the prohibition of collective expulsion, for push-back policies and, more broadly, for the minimum level of protection for migrants and refugees by the European Convention on Human Rights and its additional protocols. Thus, the ruling might be a further step in a development to cut minimum guarantees for migrants and asylum seekers – a development encouraged by pressure from certain governments.

 

 

  • Alexander Aleinikoff, The Unfinished Work of the Global Compact on Refugees, in International Journal of Refugee Law, 24 December 2018.
    As a result of a mass flow of Syrian refugees and African migrants across the Mediterranean, which peaked in 2015, European States wanted something done at the international level. The United Nations (UN) General Assembly responded by convening a ‘high-level plenary meeting on addressing large movements of refugees and migrants’ the following year.
    In ways not fully anticipated by those who pressed for the high-level meeting, the General Assembly’s New York Declaration for Refugees and Migrants addressed issues considerably broader than the Mediterranean question. It affirmed fundamental international and human rights norms relating to the movement of people across borders (while recognizing the sovereign right of States to control their borders), noted the positive contribution migrants make to the social and economic development of host States, pledged to combat xenophobia and discrimination, and committed to addressing the root causes of mass migration. The Global Compact on Refugees (Refugee Compact) and the Global Compact for Safe, Orderly and Regular Migration (Migration Compact) were envisioned to embody and promote these and other commitments.

 

 

Rapporti

 

  • Aliyyah Ahad and Natalia Banulescu-Bogdan, Communicating Strategically about Immigrant Integration: Policymaker Perspectives, in The Online Journal of the Migration Policy Insitute, January 2019
    This report takes stock of the communication strategies and common narratives employed by integration policymakers, as well as the slew of obstacles that can lead messages to be misremembered, ignored, or inadvertently inflame tensions. It draws on insights shared in interviews by policymakers and communication experts as part of MPI Europe’s Integration Futures Working Group. Among the key lessons of this analysis: messages that are overly positive may be perceived as disingenuous or out of sync with on-the-ground realities, while those that fail to tap into an audience’s lived experiences or that do not come from a trusted messenger are likely to be dismissed. And though communications strategy and outreach are sometimes viewed as an add-on to well-crafted integration policy, they can be integral to its success—or failure.

 

  • RETS, Demographic Observatory of Latin America 2018: International migration
    This edition of the Demographic Observatory, which offers immigration tables for 19 Latin American countries for which data were available on the population censuses of the 2000 and 2010 decades. The data included are from the programme Research on International Migration in Latin America (IMILA). Information is compiled on the structure of the immigrant population by sex, age, years of schooling and participation in economic activity, according to census data. Also included are lifetime and recent international immigration, i.e. immigrants in Latin American countries who were born in different countries and those who resided in a different country five years prior to the census. The information is presented for total immigrants and for those from bordering countries, other Latin American countries, North America, Europe and the rest of the world. The analytical chapter in this edition addresses the theme of intrarregional and cross-border migration in Latin America and the Caribbean in the 2000 and 2010 decades.

Diritto, immigrazione e cittadinanza

Fascicolo 1, Marzo 2019

 

Editoriale

 

Nazzarena Zorzella, Il disordine sociale del decreto sicurezza

 

Saggi

 

Paolo Morozzo della Rocca, Residenza, dimora, domicilio e condizione alloggiativa nella disciplina del permesso di soggiorno

Marco Benvenuti, Il dito e la luna. La protezione delle esigenze di carattere umanitario degli stranieri prima e dopo il decreto Salvini

Donatella Loprieno, Il trattenimento dello straniero alla luce della l. n. 132 del 2018

Monia Giovannetti, La frontiera mobile dell’accoglienza per richiedenti asilo e rifugiati in Italia. Vent’anni di politiche, pratiche e dinamiche di bilanciamento del diritto alla protezione

Elisa Cavasino, Ridisegnare il confine fra “noi” e “loro”: interrogativi sulla revoca della cittadinanza

Nicola Canzian, Profili di diritto intertemporale del decreto-legge n. 113/2018

Angelo Danilo De Santis, L’impatto del c.d. «decreto sicurezza» sul processo civile

Alessia Di Pascale e Chiara Cuttitta, La figura del tutore volontario dei minori stranieri non accompagnati nel contesto delle iniziative dell’Unione europea e della nuova normativa italiana

 

Accedi all’intero fascicolo

https://www.dirittoimmigrazionecittadinanza.it

 

Libri

 

  • Anna Liguori, Migration Law and the Externalization of Border Controls. European State Responsibility, Routledge, 2019 (marzo).
    Over the last few decades, both the European Union and European States have been implementing various strategies to externalize border controls with the declared intent of saving human lives and countering smuggling but with the actual end result of shifting borders, circumventing international obligations and ultimately preventing access to Europe. What has been principally deplored is the fact that externalizing border controls risks creating ‘legal black holes’. Furthermore, what is particularly worrying in the current European debate is the intensification of this practice by multiple arrangements with unsafe third countries, exposing migrants and asylum seekers to serious human rights violations. This book explores whether European States can succeed in shifting their responsibility onto Third States in cases of human rights violations. Focusing, in particular, on the 2017 Italy-Libya Memorandum of Understanding, the book investigates the possible basis for triggering the responsibility of outsourcing States. The second part of the book examines how the Italy-Libya MoU is only a small part of a broader scenario, exploring EU policies of externalization. A brief overview of the recent decisions of the EU Court vis-à-vis two aspects of externalization (the EU-Turkey statement and the issue of humanitarian visas) will pave the way for the conclusions since, in the author’s view, the current attitude of the Luxembourg Court confirms the importance of focusing on the responsibility of European States and the urgent need to investigate the possibility of bringing a claim against the outsourcing States before the Court of Strasbourg. Offering a new perspective on an extremely topical subject, this book will appeal to students, scholars and practitioners with an interest in European Law, International Law, Migration and Human Rights.

 

  • Lindsey N. Kingston, Fully Human Personhood, Citizenship, and Rights, Oxford, 2019 (aprile).
    Citizenship within our current international system signifies being fully human, or being worthy of fundamental human rights. For some vulnerable groups, however, this form of political membership is limited or missing entirely, and they face human rights challenges despite a prevalence of international human rights law. These protection gaps are central to hierarchies of personhood, or inequalities that render some people more “worthy” than others for protections and political membership. As a remedy, Lindsey N. Kingston proposes the ideal of “functioning citizenship,” which requires an active and mutually-beneficial relationship between the state and the individual and necessitates the opening of political space for those who cannot be neatly categorized. It signifies membership in a political community, in which citizens support their government while enjoying the protections and services associated with their privileged legal status. At the same time, an inclusive understanding of functioning citizenship also acknowledges that political membership cannot always be limited by the borders of the state or proven with a passport. Fully Human builds its theory by looking at several hierarchies of personhood, from the stateless to the forcibly displaced, migrants, nomadic peoples, indigenous nations, and “second class” citizens in the United States. It challenges the binary between citizen and noncitizen, arguing that rights are routinely violated in the space between the two. By recognizing these realities, we uncover limitations built into our current international system–but also begin to envision a path toward the realization of human rights norms founded on universality and inalienability. The ideal of functioning citizenship acknowledges the persistent power of the state, yet it does not rely solely on traditional conceptions of citizenship that have proven too flawed and limited for securing true rights protection.

 

  • David Scott FitzGerald, Refuge beyond Reach. How Rich Democracies Repel Asylum Seekers, Oxford, 2019 (aprile).
    Media pundits, politicians, and the public are often skeptical or ambivalent about granting asylum. They fear that asylum-seekers will impose economic and cultural costs and pose security threats to nationals. Consequently, governments of rich, democratic countries attempt to limit who can approach their borders, which often leads to refugees breaking immigration laws.  In Refuge beyond Reach, David Scott FitzGerald traces how rich democracies have deliberately and systematically shut down most legal paths to safety. Drawing on official government documents, information obtained via WikiLeaks, and interviews with asylum seekers, he finds that for ninety-nine percent of refugees, the only way to find safety in one of the prosperous democracies of the Global North is to reach its territory and then ask for asylum. FitzGerald shows how the US, Canada, Europe, and Australia comply with the letter of law while violating the spirit of those laws through a range of deterrence methods — first designed to keep out Jews fleeing the Nazis — that have now evolved into a pervasive global system of “remote control.” While some of the most draconian remote control practices continue in secret, Fitzgerald identifies some pressure points and finds that a diffuse humanitarian obligation to help those in need is more difficult for governments to evade than the law alone. Refuge beyond Reach addresses one of the world’s most pressing challenges — how to manage flows of refugees and other types of migrants — and helps to identify the conditions under which individuals can access the protection of their universal rights.

 

  • Sandra M. Bucerius and Michael Tonry, The Oxford Handbook of Ethnicity, Crime, and Immigration, Oxford, 2019 (marzo).
    Social tensions between majority and minority populations often center on claims that minorities are largely responsible for crime and disorder. Members of some disadvantaged groups in all developed countries, sometimes long-standing residents and other times recent immigrants, experience unwarranted disparities in their dealings with the criminal justice system. Accusations of unfair treatment by police and courts are common. The Oxford Handbook of Ethnicity, Crime, and Immigration provides comprehensive analyses of current knowledge about these and a host of related subjects. Topics include legal and illegal immigration, ethnic and race relations, and discrimination and exclusion, and their links to crime in the United States and elsewhere. Leading scholars from sociology, criminology, law, psychology, geography, and political science document and explore relations among race, ethnicity, immigration, and crime.  Individual chapters provide in-depth critical overviews of key issues, controversies, and research. Contributors present the historical backdrops of their subjects, describe population characteristics, and summarize relevant data and research findings. Most articles provide synopses of racial, ethnic, immigration, and justice-related concerns and offer policy recommendations and proposals for future research. Some articles are case studies of particular problems in particular places, including juvenile incarceration, homicide, urban violence, social exclusion, and other issues disproportionately affecting disadvantaged minority groups. The Oxford Handbook of Ethnicity, Crime, and Immigration is the first major effort to examine and synthesize knowledge concerning immigration and crime, ethnicity and crime, and race and crime in one volume, and does so both for the United States and for many other countries.

 

Articoli

 

  • Enkelejda Koka and Denard Veshi, Irregular Migration by Sea: Interception and Rescue Interventions in Light of International Law and the EU Sea Borders Regulation, in European Journal of Migration and Law, 2019, Volume 21, Issue 1.
    Since 2011, due to the Syrian civil war, Libya’s institutional breakdown and Eritrea’s political unrest, record high numbers of irregular migrants have been arriving at the EU’s south-eastern external borders, publicly known as the ‘Europe’s refugee crisis’. The most pressurised borders have been those of Greece and Italy. The human smuggler’s ‘organised refugee’ strategy has identified various legal issues resulting from the application of parallel legal frameworks both at regional and at international level. The EU Member States’ policy-making response to human smuggling has created loopholes through conflicting interpretations of the international legal framework on search and rescue and the inconsistent application of human rights law. Hence, this article will argue that although the International Convention on Maritime Search and Rescue (SAR) and the EU Sea Borders Regulation purportedly adopted to set out clear rules on when to initiate search and rescue, have not addressed the issue of responsibility for and the consequences of failed rescue scenarios by inactive SAR States; thereby creating a gap in the legal framework on State responsibility for negligent or intentional failed rescues.

 

 

  • Dáire McCormack-George, Equal Treatment of Third-Country Nationals in the European Union: Why Not?, in European Journal of Migration and Law, 2019, Volume 21, Issue 1.
    This paper outlines an argument for the equal treatment of third-country nationals in the EU. The argument is in two parts. It argues, doctrinally, that the reasons in favour of treating third-country nationals equally are weighty. Second, it suggests that, politically, conceptually and sociologically, third-country nationals should generally be entitled to equal treatment, a guarantee which may be subject to specific exceptions. The reasons for such exceptions should be clearly stipulated by public authorities. The approach which emerges from this position should lead to a more coherent concept of equality emerging in EU law, something which should be amenable to European egalitarians.

 

  • Anna Magdalena Kosińska and Barbara Mikołajczyk, Does the Right to Migration Security Already Exist? Considerations from the Perspective of the EU’s Legal System, in European Journal of Migration and Law, 2019, Volume 21, Issue 1.
    The aim of this article is to attempt constructing a conceptual framework and define the right to migration security and include it in the Europe-wide discourse on the migration crisis. In the adopted approach, the right to migration security is a third-generation right, i.e. a solidarity right in the doctrine of human rights. This right protects primarily the receiving society against the threats resulting from migration flows. On the other hand, non-voluntary immigrants have the right to seek protection in a secure way. The study analyses the range of the right to security in the context of human security and points out the necessity of ensuring the security of migration processes, which poses a special challenge to the international system of human rights. The authors also focus on highlighting the strengths of third-generation rights as a remedy to the problems faced by the international community. Finally, the authors propose to include the right to migration security in the EU’s system for the protection of fundamental rights and the guarantees functioning within the Area of Freedom, Security and Justice.

 

 

  • Roos Haer – Tobias Hecker, Recruiting Refugees for Militarization: The Determinants of Mobilization Attempts, in Journal of Refugee Studies, 2019, Volume 32, Issue 1.
    International concern over refugee militarization has grown greatly in recent years. Despite the growing prominence attached to this issue by scholars and international organizations alike, few have examined refugee recruitment from the perspective of the recruiter. Drawing on the signalling theory, we argue that recruiters will only approach those refugees who show willingness to get involved in militancy. Empirically, we focus on four attributes that might show this willingness: the role of ethnicity, economic deprivation, camp insecurity and the social network of the refugee. We examine the importance of these factors with the help of new data collected via interviews with more than 280 Congolese refugees. Our analyses show that recruiters especially approach those refugees who feel economically deprived, have combat experience and already know people that were successfully mobilized. Contrary to our expectations, ethnicity plays only a limited role.

 

  • Mona Harb, Ali Kassem and Watfa Najdi, Entrepreneurial Refugees and the City: Brief Encounters in Beirut, in Journal of Refugee Studies, 2019, Volume 32, Issue 1.
    Lebanon is hosting more than 1 million Syrian refugees. For a country of its size, and a population of around 4 million, this influx of Syrians into Lebanon has exposed many of its already established ailments. A prevailing perception is that Syrians are establishing businesses and competing with the Lebanese, leading to violent reactions on the part of host communities. In this article, we seek to debunk the reductionist framing of ‘the Syrian refugee’ as a burden, and showcase the economic contribution that some Syrian entrepreneurs have been making to urban neighbourhoods. While entrepreneurs certainly represent a minority of the refugees in Lebanon, we argue that, rather than being competition, Syrian entrepreneurs are complementary to Lebanese businesses in urban areas, and that Syrian businesses are enriching spatial practices in the city. As such, we claim their experiences are significant to document as they can inform useful policy interventions that can render Syrian self-employment an opportunity for local economic development in cities and towns.

 

  • Simon Behrman, Refugee Law as a Means of Control, in Journal of Refugee Studies, Volume 32, 2019, Issue 1.
    International refugee law has evolved as a means of control over the refugee. The first principles on which it has been built place the rights of the state above those of the refugee. Insofar as there is such a thing as a ‘right of asylum’, it is a right vested in the state rather than the refugee. As such, from the perspective of seeking a protection regime that places the needs of the refugee at its centre, it is a system that is fundamentally unreformable. My argument rests upon the historical development of the first principles developed by jurists from the seventeenth century through to the twentieth century, on the basis of historical development of refugee law between the two world wars, and on the drafting history of the 1951 Refugee Convention and its subsequent implementation.

 

  • Annett Bochmann, The Power of Local Micro Structures in the Context of Refugee Camps, in Journal of Refugee Studies, 2019,  Volume 32, Issue 1.
    This article examines social orders of refugee camps, showing that they have a much higher complexity than is captured in theoretical conceptions that emphasize top-down notions of camp regime structures and power. The plurality of governing actors and power relations is highlighted by refugee camp studies, serving as a starting point for this article. Drawing on an ethnomethodologically informed ethnographic research approach, the example of aid delivery in a Burmese refugee camp in Thailand is used to show how camp residents establish powerful social micro structures. These are, for example, the locally achieved ‘disciplinary institution’ and ‘public camp secrets’. The article argues that the association of these micro structures generates the social order of camps. Further, it demonstrates the fruitfulness of an ethnomethodological approach for refugee studies that goes beyond discourses surrounding the camp, governing techniques and narratives of refugees—instead focusing in on people’s practices in concrete situations and events.

 

  • Benjamin J Kaplan, The Legal Rights of Religious Refugees in the ‘Refugee-Cities’ of Early Modern Germany, in Journal of Refugee Studies, 2019, Volume 32, Issue 1.
    Nowhere in early modern Europe (fifteenth to eighteenth centuries) did religious refugees enjoy more special legal protections than they did in the so-called ‘refugee-cities’ (Exulantenstädte) of Germany. These were new cities founded, mostly in the seventeenth century, by German princes with the express intention of attracting religious refugees to settle them. Offering two case studies, of Neuhanau and Neuwied, this article examines the legal provisions that extended personal, economic, civil and religious rights to the refugees who settled them. The article shows that these rights reflected the needs and desires of refugees as well as the agendas of early modern princes. It also shows why, to achieve the goals of both parties, it became standard practice to combine the refugees’ special rights with separate urban status for their settlements.

 

  • Anna Kvittingen, Marko Valenta, Hanan Tabbara, Dina Baslan and Berit Berg, The Conditions and Migratory Aspirations of Syrian and Iraqi Refugees in Jordan, in Journal of Refugee Studies, 2019, Volume 32, Issue 1.
    This article focuses on the experiences of Iraqi and Syrian refugees in Jordan and their aspirations to migrate onwards. It is based on interviews carried out between October 2015 and January 2016—a time that coincided with unprecedented irregular movement of refugees and migrants to Europe, partly a result of secondary migrations from countries neighbouring Syria such as Turkey, Lebanon and Jordan. Our data includes more than 60 in-depth interviews with refugees, some of whom have recently started moving and others who have been on their migratory journey for many years. We argue that changing circumstances and the structural constraints of life in exile forced refugees to reconsider their integration and migration strategies in host countries such as Jordan. We also demonstrate how inadequate reception is a generator of further fragmented migrations and how variations in refugee perceptions, resources and strategies propel different migratory practices and decisions. Importantly, we add a comparative perspective to current studies of Syrian refugees in the Middle East, highlighting key differences in Iraqi and Syrian refugees’ migration aspirations and movement plans.

 

  • Breanne Leigh Grace, Family from Afar? Transnationalism and Refugee Extended Families after Resettlement, in Journal of Refugee Studies, 2019, Volume 32, Issue 1.
    One of the unintended consequences of the US refugee resettlement program is that it separates extended families through the resettlement process. Although the Trump administration has focused on what types of familial relationships ‘count’ as family in resettlement and family reunification, extended families have long been a point of contention and difficult to navigate under US resettlement policy. The policy and consequent debates draw upon US-normative assumptions about refugees, family, and what it means to live apart from family. Drawing upon a multi-sited ethnography of a Somali Zigula refugee community in the US and their loved ones in Tanzania and Kenya, this paper examines how refugees negotiate and maintain extended familial relationships after US resettlement.

 

 

  • Alessandra Algostino, Il decreto “sicurezza e immigrazione” (decreto legge n. 113 del 2018): estinzione del diritto di asilo, repressione del dissenso e diseguaglianza, in costituzionalismo.it, 2018, n. 2.
    Il decreto legge n. 113 del 2018 si inserisce in continuità con i provvedimenti precedenti (in ultimo il “pacchetto Minniti”), coniugando sicurezza e immigrazione, proseguendo nel cammino della criminalizzazione del migrante e del dissenso. Da un lato, vi è la decisione di respingere le persone, restringendo lo spazio del diritto di asilo e rendendolo sempre più ostile e vuoto di diritti; dall’altro, la volontà di reprimere il dissenso e rendere invisibile il disagio sociale. È un provvedimento privo dei requisiti di necessità e urgenza, costellato di profili di incostituzionalità, eterogeneo, ma percorso da un fil rouge (o, meglio, noir): un intento repressivo, di limitazione, se non negazione, dei diritti, dal diritto di asilo alla libertà di manifestazione del pensiero, nella prospettiva di un nazionalismo iure sanguinis autoritario.

 

 

 

 

  • Graziella Romeo, Diritti fondamentali e immigrazione, in federalismi.it, 2019, focus n.2.
    Il titolo di questa sezione monografica è “Italia, Europa: i diritti fondamentali nella rotta dei migranti”. La tesi che questo progetto editoriale intende sviluppare è che le vicende concernenti i flussi migratori debbano essere pensate in due prospettive: l’appartenenza dell’Italia all’Europa, intesa quale spazio fisico e giuridico, e la centralità dei diritti fondamentali, a partire dai quali le politiche dell’immigrazione devono essere costruite.

 

  • Luca Masera, La criminalizzazione delle ONG e il valore della solidarietà in uno Stato democratico, in federalismi.it, 2019, focus n.2.
    Non più tardi di nove mesi fa, in un articolo dedicato al medesimo tema oggetto di questo contributo, avevamo ricostruito il percorso che, nel volgere di pochi mesi, aveva portato nel dibattito pubblico gli operatori umanitari che praticano attività di soccorso in mare dall’essere considerati eroi che salvano vite, al venire additati alla stregua di trafficanti e fiancheggiatori delle organizzazioni criminali operanti in Libia. Ora, nel febbraio 2019, l’ascesa al governo del Paese della nuova maggioranza ha impresso un’ulteriore accelerazione a tale processo di progressiva criminalizzazione delle ONG operanti in mare.

 

 

  • Laura Montanari, La giurisprudenza costituzionale in materia di diritti degli stranieri, in federalismi.it, 2019, focus n.2.
    Il tema di questo intervento è molto ampio, ma la scelta di analizzare la giurisprudenza della Corte costituzionale nasce dalla constatazione che lo studio dei diritti degli stranieri trova nell’opera della Corte un punto di riferimento essenziale: controllando la legittimità degli atti del legislatore, infatti, quest’ultima ha progressivamente delineato lo statuto dello straniero, attraverso una lettura della Carta fondamentale che non si ferma al dato testuale delle disposizioni. E’ ovviamente impossibile ricostruire in questa sede tutta la giurisprudenza costituzionale in materia, mi limiterò perciò a tratteggiare alcuni quadri, finalizzati a mettere in evidenza le peculiarità della posizione dello straniero e, soprattutto, la problematicità dell’approccio che il nostro Paese mantiene nei confronti del fenomeno migratorio.

 

  • Caterina Severino, Uno sguardo Oltralpe. Aspetti problematici della disciplina dell’immigrazione in Francia, in federalismi.it, 2019, focus n.2.
    A differenza dell’Italia o della Spagna ‑ Paesi che, come la Francia, si affacciano sul Mediterraneo, ma che solo di recente hanno conosciuto una forte immigrazione, e sono quindi ancora privi di un’esperienza importante nel campo della regolamentazione della condizione giuridica dello straniero ‑ la Francia vanta una plurisecolare storia di immigrazione nel proprio territorio, dovuta non solo al fenomeno della colonizzazione (e della conseguente decolonizzazione), ma anche ad una peculiare tradizione dell’accoglienza, che si è tradotta, ad esempio, negli anni del fascismo italiano e del franchismo spagnolo, nella concessione dell’asilo ai rifugiati politici provenienti da questi Paesi o, negli anni tra le due guerre e del secondo dopoguerra, nell’impiego ingente di manodopera proveniente da Paesi europei che si trovavano in quel momento in condizioni di ristrettezze economiche.

 

  • Simone Penasa, L’accertamento dell’età dei minori stranieri non accompagnati: quali garanzie? Un’analisi comparata e interdisciplinare, in federalismi.it, 2019, focus n.2.
    L’accertamento dell’età di una persona (age assessment) può essere definito quale «the process by which authorities seek to establish the chronological age or range of age of a person in order to establish whether an individual is a child or an adult». Tale processo può assumere rilievo giuridico in ambiti molto diversi, tra i quali negli ultimi anni è venuto ad assumere una particolare centralità quello della determinazione dell’età delle persone che, dichiarandosi minori di età, presentano o esprimono la volontà di presentare una domanda di protezione internazionale, una volta raggiunto il territorio di uno Stato terzo rispetto a quello di cittadinanza o residenza (o transito, cfr. la Libia). In tale contesto, la fase – e le concrete modalità attraverso le quali si svolge – dell’accertamento dell’età della persona richiedente asilo può risultare problematica dal punto di vista tecnico-procedurale e decisiva dal punto di vista normativo, alla luce delle molteplici conseguenze in termini di tutele che ne possono derivare.

 

  • Paolo Oddi, La tutela giurisdizionale dei migranti e il ruolo dell’avvocato “immigrazionista” in federalismi.it, 2019, focus n.2.
    L’avvocato immigrazionista sarebbe tentato di raccontare le storie e le voci raccolte durante gli anni dell’impegno professionale su questo tema. Per dare voce ai tanti migranti che gli hanno dato mandato per avere giustizia. Per dare conto delle battaglie amministrative e giudiziarie per cercare di ripristinare diritti negati o violati. Infatti, lo scambio di esperienze e il continuo confronto sono fondamentali in questa materia, che è diritto vivente per eccellenza. Si tratta di un ambito del diritto che cambia di continuo, per la molteplicità delle fonti (specie quelle secondarie) che la governano e per la continua oscillazione della giurisprudenza, tanto europea, quanto nazionale. Il presente scritto è dunque, un tentativo, per forza di cose parziale, di fare il punto su anni lunghi e, si potrebbe dire, drammatici.

 

  • Melissa Miedico, Il fenomeno migratorio: una risorsa da valorizzare, in federalismi.it, 2019, focus n.2.
    All’interno del corso di laurea in Giurisprudenza dell’Università Bocconi abbiamo avviato da tempo una riflessione sul tema dell’immigrazione che ha portato al desiderio di un confronto ed un incontro con alcuni esperti. L’incontro si è svolto alla fine del 2017, coordinato da Graziella Romeo e da me, ed ha affrontato diversi aspetti di questo fenomeno complesso e globale. Alcune delle riflessioni emerse durante l’incontro sono state pubblicate ora in questa raccolta monografica, cui mi accingo ad aggiungere alcune brevi considerazioni finali, che spero possano essere lo spunto per ulteriori occasioni di confronto.

 

Blog

 

  • Dimitry Kochenov, Investor Citizenship and Residence: the EU Commission’s Incompetent Case for Blood and Soil, in Verfassungsblog, 23 gennaio 2019.
    Today, on 23 January 2019 the Commission released its ‘Report on Investor Citizenship and Residence Schemes in the European Union.’ Given the negative attention the whole issue of selling EU citizenship and residence has been receiving from the powers that be in the European Union, be it the European Parliament or the individual Commissioners from Reading’s ‘EU citizenship should not be for sale’ from several years ago to Jourová’s more recent proclamations, lawyers and policy-makers could expect much more from the Commission’s treatment of this much inflated, but hugely important topic.

 

  • Maira Seeley, Dignity and the Needs of Young Syrian Refugees in the Middle East, in Lawfareblog, 10 febbraio 2019.
    The Syrian refugee populations living long-term in Jordan and Lebanon will likely prove one of the Syrian conflict’s most enduring—and possibly most destabilizing—consequences. Although extremist groups’ capacity and territorial control in Syria has now fallen sharply, the risk of recruitment of refugee children and youth (ages 12-24) will remain. While Jordan’s Nasib crossing reopened in 2018 and some refugees have returned from both Lebanon and Jordan, conditions inside Syria make protracted displacement likely for many others. As a July 2018 START study reported, Syrian refugees in camps in Jordan and Lebanon can be receptive to extremist ideas, though refugees’ precarious status in host countries and the nature of refugees’ experiences can also discourage extremist activity. Historical examples, such as the experience of Palestinian refugees, suggest that the risk of radicalization and violence increases in the decades following displacement, rather than within the first few years. Conditions of persistent poverty and alienation among large Syrian refugee populations are likely to contribute to the threat of youth extremism in coming decades, whether violent extremist groups exert significant territorial control or not.

 

  • Francesca Capone, Is Trump Right? Foreign Fighters and the States’ Obligation to Repatriate Them, in Verfassungsblog, 10 marzo 2019.
    In a widely commented upon tweet, President Trump asked “Britain, France, Germany and other European allies to take back over 800 ISIS fighters”. He added to the request also a not-so-subtle threat by claiming that otherwise the fighters will be released. The tweet has been published on 17 February 2019, but the situation of foreigners, including European citizens, stranded in Syria and Iraq after the nearly complete defeat of the Islamic State is not a new problem, nor an unpredictable one given the unprecedented number of individuals and families who flocked to the Middle East in recent years. Yet, so far the States most affected by the situation have adopted heterogeneous and even contradictory approaches, without ever facing the question of whether they are acting or not in compliance with the existing international legal framework. Leaving aside moral and long-term security considerations that have been eloquently expressed in a recent ICCT perspective, the focus here is on whether States of origin have or have not an obligation under international law to “take back” (i.e. proactively repatriate) their nationals.

 

  • Marie-Laure Basilien-Gainche, Children of Men. Comments on the ECtHR’s Judgment in Khan v. France, in Verfassungsblog, 12 marzo 2019.
    The Jamil Khan case illustrates the lack of care unaccompanied foreign minors face in France. Jamil Khan is an Afghan migrant who fled his home country in August 2015 and arrived in Calais being 11 years old at that time. He lived alone in a squalid slum for about six months, before he illegally entered England in March 2016 where he has been cared for since by the UK’s child welfare services in Birmingham. Yet, during all the time he spent in France, this isolated minor was left in destitution, as he received no support by the national authorities, so much so the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) condemned France in a judgment of 28 February 2019 (Application no. 12267/16) for inflicting on him “degrading treatment”, for leaving him “in an environment manifestly unsuitable for children, characterized by insalubrity, precariousness and insecurity”, for failing to protect this particularly vulnerable migrant. As the département of Pas-de-Calais did not do everything they could and should have done to comply with their positive care obligation, the judges of the Strasbourg Court (fifth section) concluded unanimously that France had violated Article 3 of the European Convention of Human Rights (ECHR). The same day, the Court sentenced Greece in the H.A. & alii case (ECtHR, 28 February 2019, Application no. 19951/16). Such condemnations were expected as they correspond to a constant position of the Court, as exposed in the Rahimi case (ECtHR, 5 April 2011, Application no. 8684/08). Let’s focus on the Khan case and France’s violations of Article 3 ECHR.

Libri

 

  • David Scott FitzGerald, Refuge beyond Reach. How Rich Democracies Repel Asylum Seekers, Oxford 2019 (aprile).
    Media pundits, politicians, and the public are often skeptical or ambivalent about granting asylum. They fear that asylum-seekers will impose economic and cultural costs and pose security threats to nationals. Consequently, governments of rich, democratic countries attempt to limit who can approach their borders, which often leads to refugees breaking immigration laws. In Refuge beyond Reach, David Scott FitzGerald traces how rich democracies have deliberately and systematically shut down most legal paths to safety. Drawing on official government documents, information obtained via WikiLeaks, and interviews with asylum seekers, he finds that for ninety-nine percent of refugees, the only way to find safety in one of the prosperous democracies of the Global North is to reach its territory and then ask for asylum. FitzGerald shows how the US, Canada, Europe, and Australia comply with the letter of law while violating the spirit of those laws through a range of deterrence methods — first designed to keep out Jews fleeing the Nazis — that have now evolved into a pervasive global system of “remote control.” While some of the most draconian remote control practices continue in secret, Fitzgerald identifies some pressure points and finds that a diffuse humanitarian obligation to help those in need is more difficult for governments to evade than the law alone. Refuge beyond Reach addresses one of the world’s most pressing challenges — how to manage flows of refugees and other types of migrants — and helps to identify the conditions under which individuals can access the protection of their universal rights.

 

  • Lindsey N. Kingston, Fully Human Personhood, Citizenship, and Rights, Oxford, 2019 (aprile).
    Citizenship within our current international system signifies being fully human, or being worthy of fundamental human rights. For some vulnerable groups, however, this form of political membership is limited or missing entirely, and they face human rights challenges despite a prevalence of international human rights law. These protection gaps are central to hierarchies of personhood, or inequalities that render some people more “worthy” than others for protections and political membership. As a remedy, Lindsey N. Kingston proposes the ideal of “functioning citizenship,” which requires an active and mutually-beneficial relationship between the state and the individual and necessitates the opening of political space for those who cannot be neatly categorized. It signifies membership in a political community, in which citizens support their government while enjoying the protections and services associated with their privileged legal status. At the same time, an inclusive understanding of functioning citizenship also acknowledges that political membership cannot always be limited by the borders of the state or proven with a passport. Fully Human builds its theory by looking at several hierarchies of personhood, from the stateless to the forcibly displaced, migrants, nomadic peoples, indigenous nations, and “second class” citizens in the United States. It challenges the binary between citizen and noncitizen, arguing that rights are routinely violated in the space between the two. By recognizing these realities, we uncover limitations built into our current international system–but also begin to envision a path toward the realization of human rights norms founded on universality and inalienability. The ideal of functioning citizenship acknowledges the persistent power of the state, yet it does not rely solely on traditional conceptions of citizenship that have proven too flawed and limited for securing true rights protection.

 

Articoli

 

  • Alessandro Quattrocchi, La rilevanza penale del sistema di pagamento “hawala” nelle condotte di favoreggiamento dell’immigrazione clandestina, in pen. cont., 2019, n. 2.
    Con la pronuncia del G.U.P. del Tribunale di Palermo del 22 marzo 2018, in maniera innovativa e tendenzialmente inedita, si attinge allo strumentario del diritto penale dell’economia per arricchire le strategie di contrasto e le connesse risposte sanzionatorie al fenomeno dello smuggling of migrants. In particolare, applicando fattispecie incriminatrici poste a tutela della stabilità e del funzionamento del sistema finanziario, si colpisce il sistema informale di pagamento denominato hawala, che le organizzazioni criminali operanti a livello internazionale utilizzano per trasferire le risorse finanziarie provento dei reati fine al di fuori dei canali regolamentati e, quindi, del controllo statuale: nel caso di specie, il prezzo pagato dai migranti per acquistare il viaggio dalle coste libiche a quelle italiane su natanti di fortuna. Il presente lavoro, muovendo dalla fattispecie concreta e dalla soluzione interpretativa fatta propria dal giudice di prime cure, ricostruisce i meccanismi operativi dell’hawala e le incriminazioni concretamente applicabili alla luce delle più recenti riforme legislative, evidenziando infine l’opportunità di un espresso intervento del legislatore penale in materia.

 

 

  • Antonello Ciervo, Ancora sul parere della Giunta del Senato per le immunità sul caso Diciotti, in Questione giustizia, 18 marzo 2019.
    Vorrei provare, con questa breve nota, ad analizzare il parere della Giunta del Senato per le immunità sul caso Diciotti: il mio intento è quello di valutare eventuali profili di illegittimità del parere, nella convinzione che tali vizi possano giustificare la sollevazione di un conflitto di attribuzioni da parte del Tribunale dei ministri di Catania, nell’eventualità che il Senato dovesse approvarlo. La sindacabilità del parere della Giunta – e del voto dell’Aula che sarà chiamata ad esprimersi su di esso – viene considerata del tutto pacifica dalla dottrina costituzionalistica, anche se come è noto non esistono precedenti giurisprudenziali della Consulta in materia. Tuttavia, appare chiaro come una valutazione sulla legittimità delle motivazioni sottese al voto dell’Aula non possa essere negato dalla Corte costituzionale, rischiando altrimenti la decisione parlamentare di porsi in una zona franca dell’ordinamento, non suscettibile di alcuna valutazione giurisdizionale neppure in sede di conflitto di attribuzioni.

 

  • Luca Masera, Chi fissa e quali sono i limiti all’azione politica del Governo in uno Stato democratico?, in Questione giustizia, 29 gennaio 2019.
    Sta succedendo qualcosa di eccezionale quando un Tribunale della Repubblica chiede che il Ministro dell’interno venga processato per un reato che prevede la pena della reclusione da tre a quindici anni. E la situazione è ancora più anomala, se si considera che il fatto per cui la magistratura chiede ad una Camera di procedere (in questo caso il Senato, essendo il Ministro dell’interno anche senatore della Repubblica) non è un episodio corruttivo o comunque legato a fatti che l’indagato nega o sono discutibili. In questo caso il reato che si contesta risulta integrato da una condotta, la chiusura dei porti ai migranti provenienti dalla Libia, che il Ministro dell’interno continua tuttora a rivendicare come parte fondamentale del proprio programma politico e di governo. Il contrasto all’ingresso di stranieri irregolari in Italia viene attuato con la strategia dei “porti chiusi”, che riscuote, stando ai sondaggi, un larghissimo consenso nel corpo elettorale. Il contributo propone una “guida alla lettura” dell’articolato percorso argomentativo seguito dai giudici siciliani, per svolgere poi alcune riflessioni riguardo ai prossimi esiti cui può dare luogo la vicenda.

 

  • Chiara Stoppioni, Tratta, sfruttamento e smuggling: un’ipotesi di finium regundorum a partire da una recente sentenza, in Legislazione penale, 24 gennaio 2019.
    Guardando alle caratteristiche che, negli ultimi anni, ha assunto il fenomeno migratorio, ci si accorge di come, nella maggior parte dei casi, il viaggio dei migranti che giungono in Italia sia il frutto di una deliberazione complessa in cui volontà, coercizione e approfittamento di una preesistente condizione di debolezza tendono a confondersi e a sovrapporsi, sfumando i confini tra favoreggiamento dell’immigrazione clandestina e traffico di esseri umani. Il presente contributo trae spunto da una recente decisione del Tribunale di Napoli, concernente una vicenda che vede coinvolti alcuni bengalesi reclutati nel loro Paese d’origine e, successivamente, impiegati in Italia in condizioni di sfruttamento, per interrogarsi sul rapporto tra le diverse fattispecie di favoreggiamento dell’immigrazione clandestina (art. 12 commi 3, 3 bis, 3 ter e 5 D.lvo 286/1998), intermediazione illecita e sfruttamento lavorativo (art. 603 bis c.p.) e tratta di esseri umani (art. 600 c.p.), con l’intento di tracciare una linea di discrimine fra le predette fattispecie fondate sulla genuinità del consenso degli stranieri.

 

  • Jean Galbraith, Trump Administration Tightens Procedures with Respect to Asylum Seekers at the Southern Border, in American Journal of International Law, 2019, 113(2), 377-386
    The Trump administration undertook a variety of actions related to the southern U.S. border in late 2018 and early 2019. Pointing to the progress of thousands of migrants traveling together from Central America to the U.S. border, President Trump deployed troops to the border and issued a proclamation providing that access to asylum would only be available at the southern border to those who entered through an authorized port of entry. Legal challenges to this proclamation and its implementation by the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) immediately followed, and a federal district court issued a temporary restraining order on November 19 and a preliminary injunction on December 19 against its enforcement. In addition, after ongoing negotiations with Mexico, the Trump administration announced that it would implement an arrangement under which asylum seekers would await their court date in Mexico rather than the United States. These ongoing developments are part of broader attempts by the Trump administration to erect barriers to migration across the southern border.

 

  • Lea Müller-Funk , Osama Alaa Aldien, Arij Basrak, Weam Ghabash, Mustafa Hatip, Rand Shamaa, Mouran Tourkmani, Researching urban forced migrants in Turkey and Lebanon: Alternative ways to study a vulnerable population in fragile political contexts, in IMI Working Papers, febbraio 2019 Paper 151
    Studying mobility aspirations of forced migrants is a challenge. Refugees are a particularly vulnerable group and displaced persons are often described as a rare or hidden group whose members are hard to identify and to locate. Representative micro-level data is scarce, with surveys frequently based on non-probability sampling techniques. Furthermore, most refugees flee to neighbouring countries which are often politically unstable and sometimes at war with the origin country, posing additional security risks to participants and researchers alike. Building on existing literature and recent fieldwork conducted in Lebanon and Turkey in 2018, we suggest a methodological approach to study mobility aspirations of Syrian urban self-settled refugees in four cities in these two countries. In doing so, we highlight the importance of considering ethical challenges, adopting a mixed methods research design which incorporates randomness in data collection (multi-stage sampling, random walks combined with limited focused enumeration of the nearest neighbour technique), the advantages of including members of the targeted population in research teams, as well as challenges encountered during the research with regards to representativeness, confidentiality, security issues and positionality.

 

  • Hein de Haas , Simona Vezzoli , María Villares-Varela, Opening the floodgates? European migration under restrictive and liberal border regimes 1950-2010, in IMI Working Papers, febbraio 2019, Paper 150
    The effect of ‘open borders’ on migration has been the subject of substantial controversy. Political rhetoric and media images help stoke fear of uncontrolled mass migration that in turn fuels arguments in favour of tighter immigration regulations and border controls to ‘bring migration back under control’. In public debates, removing migration barriers is frequently portrayed as tantamount to ‘opening the floodgates’. However, immigration liberalisation may increase also circulation and return, rendering the effect on net migration theoretically ambiguous. Drawing on bilateral flow data over the 1959-2010 period contained in the DEMIG C2C database, this paper uses European Union (EU) enlargement as a case study to assess how liberalising border regimes affected migration flows. The analysis suggests that, with some exceptions, liberalisation boosted circulation rather than led to a structural increase in intra-EU migration. While removing migration barriers can lead to migration surges—particularly when economic gaps between origin and destination countries are large—these tend to be temporary, after which migration becomes more circular and tends to consolidate at lower levels. And while intra-regional circulation in the EU has grown, closing external EU borders has increasingly pushed non-EU migrants into permanent settlement along with significant family migration. These factors help to explain the structural rise in non-EU immigration, defying policy expectations that opening internal borders would decrease non-EU immigration.

 

  • Elaine McGregor, Money Matters: The Role of Funding in Migration Governance, in IMI Working Papers, gennaio 2019, Paper 149.
    Since the 1990s, the agencies of the United Nations (UN) have increasingly been financed through earmarked contributions from an increasingly diverse set of donors. Since the concept of voluntary contributions was absent from the UN charter owing to the concern that it would undermine multilateralism, current funding trends raise concerns about the functioning of the UN as a multilateral system. Despite this concern there is a limited but growing body of literature that examines the relationship between funding and governance. Taking migration as a case study, this paper uses a newly created data set of earmarked contributions to the International Organization for Migration (IOM) between 2000 and 2016 (n=13,306) to examine thematic and temporal patterns in the contributions of IOM’s main donors. The fragmented nature of migration governance may well be a product of the earmarked nature of its funding, and, without concrete changes in how migration is financed, is likely to remain fragmented. However, this fragmentation can be viewed from two broad perspectives. On the negative side of the ledger, it may be observed that contributions to IOM have largely focused on issues relating to the management of certain aspects of migration that are reflective of the specific interests of its donors lending weight to the argument that the fragmented nature of global migration governance may be a product of the largely earmarked nature of migration financing which has allowed bilateral interests to dominate multilateral responses to migration issues. On the other hand, earmarked funding has arguably also allowed the international community to extend protection to displaced populations not covered by the refugee convention.

 

 

Blog

 

  • Anna Lübbe, The CJEU (Unintentionally) Opens New Avenues of “Free Choice” in Asylum Law, in verfassungsblog.de, 15 aprile 2019.
    With the CJEU judgment H & R of 2 April 2019, the never-ending story of clarifying the preconditions for Dublin transfers took a turn that will again entail needs for clarification. The CJEU has decided that a Member State in which a second application is made (in principle) does not have to check on the responsibility for carrying out the asylum procedure within the framework of the take-back procedure. It is the first Member State in which an application is made that has to determine responsibility and, in the case of secondary movement, to continue doing so after the person concerned has been returned. If the Member State of the first application already completed this procedure and has declared itself to be responsible, another examination of the responsibility question in the Member State of the second application would run counter to the effet utile of the Dublin system. The CJEU’s interpretation was essentially motivated by the aim to keep, or render, the Dublin system efficient and to lessen the time and effort involved in handling secondary migrations. Was it successful?

 

  • Steve Peers, The revised EU visa code: controlling EU borders from a distance, in eulawanalysis.blogspot.com, 17 aprile 2019.
    Today, the European Parliament is due to approve a revision of the law on the EU visa code, which sets out the basic rules on how to get a short-term visa to visit Schengen countries. Since this law was previously agreed with the EU Council, it is likely to be finally adopted by the Council in the near future. This law simplifies the visa application process a little, in return for increased application fees. But more significantly, it integrates EU visa policy even more closely with the EU’s external migration control policy, providing for incentives and sanctions for non-EU countries which respectively cooperate or fail to cooperate on readmission.

 

  • Mariana Gkliati, The new European Border and Coast Guard: Do increased powers come with enhanced accountability?, in eulawanalysis.blogspot.com, 17 aprile 2019. 
    With the political agreement on the new Regulation reached at the beginning of April, due to be approved by the European Parliament today, the European Border and Coast Guard Agency, Frontex, is now closer than ever to its original conception as a fully-fledged European Border Police Corps. The new law, with its enhanced rules on removal to non-EU countries, will be approved in parallel to changes to the EU’s visa code aimed at readmitting more irregular migrants to non-EU countries […]. The Commission’s proposal was presented in September 2018 and was agreed hastily within only six months, as the goal was for an agreement to be reached within the current Parliament before the European Parliament elections in May 2019. The new agency is expected to become operational this summer.

 

  • Steve Peers, Citizens of Somewhere Else? EU citizenship and loss of Member State nationality, in eulawanalysis.blogspot.com, 27 marzo 2019.
    Member States’ rules on the acquisition or loss of nationality are in principle a national competence. But this issue is nevertheless central to EU law, because citizenship of the EU is based on having the nationality of a Member State, according to Article 20(1) TFEU: Citizenship of the Union is hereby established. Every person holding the nationality of a Member State shall be a citizen of the Union. Citizenship of the Union shall be additional to and not replace national citizenship. So in light of the importance of Member State nationality to EU citizenship, can the loss of Member State nationality be reviewed for compliance with EU law? The recent judgment in Tjebbes was the latest of the CJEU’s rare opportunities to rule on this issue, and offers some important clarification of the law.

 

  • Steve Peers, Guardianship, free movement and the rights of the child: the SM judgment, in eulawanalysis.blogspot.com, 26 marzo 2019.
    When is a child a ‘family member’? Many people regard others they love dearly as children, parents or other relatives, but the law is rather stricter. This strictness is particularly important where children are involved, in order to ensure their welfare, and where it impacts on immigration law. Moreover, different countries have different approaches to the legal definition of family members. All these issues come to a head in today’s judgment of the CJEU in SM, a case concerning the intersection between EU free movement law and the family law of non-EU countries.

 

  • Ellen Lefley, Making life so unbearable for people without leave cannot be enforced without creating a hostile environment for all of us, in eumigrationlawblog.eu, 9 aprile 2019.
    A recent case challenged successfully part of the UK’s ‘hostile environment’, the self-titled immigration policy created by Theresa May when she was Home Secretary to deter irregular migration to the UK. R (Joint Council for the Welfare of Immigrants) v Secretary of State for the Home Department was handed down by the High Court of England and Wales on 1 March 2019. In dispute was the so-called ‘right to rent’ scheme (‘the Scheme’) which stipulated that certain ‘disqualified persons’ (those who need but do not have leave to enter or remain in the UK) were prohibited from renting or occupying private residential accommodation (section 21(2) Immigration Act 2014). Notably the Scheme deputised landlords by prohibiting them from authorising any occupation of their privately owned properties by disqualified persons and obliging them to conduct ‘reasonable enquiries (i.e. documentary checks) into the immigration status of tenants (section 22). Failure to do so incurred a civil penalty of up to £3,000 (section 23) and any landlord who knew or had reasonable cause to believe that the premises were being occupied by a disqualified person committed a criminal offence (section 33A) punishable by up to five years in prison or an unlimited fine (section 33C).

 

  • Eleni Karageorgiou and Vladislava Stoyanova, Lund UniversityWhat has the 2015/2016 crisis left us with?, in eumigrationlawblog.eu, 26 marzo 2019.
    The New Asylum and Transit Countries in Europe During and in the Aftermath of the 2015/2016 Crisis edited by Vladislava Stoyanova and Eleni Karageorgiou discusses the state of asylum at a national and sub-regional level, and respective realities and legal challenges. The situation captured across the book’s varied contributions suggests that the Common European Asylum System is beyond repair or reform, and that a radical rethink is needed. This short piece highlights three main dynamics that are critically reflected upon to consider a radical rethink of a new base for European asylum law and policy.

 

  • Caitlyn Yates, A Case Study in the Outsourcing of U.S. Border Control, in lawfareblog.com, 11 aprile 2019.
    Over the past year, the Trump administration has put forth an array of measures to deter immigration to the United States, including separating families, enacting a zero-tolerance stance toward irregular crossings, and—most recently—requiring asylum seekers to remain in Mexico while awaiting their asylum claim decisions. Despite these efforts, in February 2019, apprehension numbers from the United States’s southern border hit their highest levels in 10 years. The administration’s ongoing frustration with the ineffectiveness of its domestic migration policies has pushed its focus southward, with President Trump slashing foreign aid for El Salvador, Guatemala and Honduras after accusing the governments of all three countries—and Mexico—of not doing enough to stem migration.

Libri

  • Sergio Carrera, Valsamis Mitsilegas, Jennifer Allsopp, Lina Vosyliute, Policing Humanitarianism EU Policies Against Human Smuggling and their Impact on Civil Society, Hart Publishing, 2019 (gennaio).
    Policing Humanitarianism examines the ways in which European Union policies aimed at countering the phenomenon of migrant smuggling affects civil society actors’ activities in the provision of humanitarian assistance, access to rights for irregular immigrants and asylum seekers. It explores the effects of EU policies, laws and agencies’ operations in anti-migrant smuggling actions and their implementation in the following EU Member States: Italy, Greece, Hungary and the UK.The book critically studies policies designed and implemented since 2015, during the so called ‘European refugee humanitarian crisis’. Building upon the existing academic literature covering the ‘criminalisation of migration ‘ in the EU, the book examines the wider set of punitive, coercive or control-oriented dynamics affecting Civil Society Actors’ work and activities through the lens of the notion of ‘ policing the mobility society’. This concept seeks to provide a framework of analysis that allows for an examination of a wider set of practices, mechanisms and tools driven by a logic of policing in the context of the EU Schengen border framework: those which affect not only people, who move (qualified as third-country nationals for the purposes of EU law), but also people who mobilise in a rights-claiming capacity on behalf of and with immigrants and asylum-seekers.

 

  • Maria O’Sullivan, Refugee Law and Durability of Protection. Temporary Residence and Cessation of Status, Routledge, 2019 (maggio).
    This book examines the link between refugee protection, duration of risk and residency rights. It focuses on two main issues of importance to current state practice: the use of temporary forms of refugee status and residency and the legal criteria for cessation of refugee status under Article 1C(5) of the 1951 Refugee Convention. In analysing this issue, this book canvasses debates which are pertinent to many other contentious areas of refugee law, including the relationship between the refugee definition and complementary protection, application of the Refugee Convention in situations of armed conflict, and the role of non-state bodies as actors of protection. It also illustrates some of the central problems with the way in which the 1951 Refugee Convention is implemented domestically in key asylum host states. The arguments put forward in this book have particular significance for the return of asylum seekers and refugees to situations of ongoing conflict and post-conflict situations and is therefore highly pertinent to the future development of international refugee law.

 

  • Vincent Chetail, International Migration Law, Oxford, 2019 (maggio)
    International Migration Law provides a detailed and comprehensive overview of the international legal framework applicable to the movement of persons.The role of international law in this field is complex, and often ambiguous: there is no single source for the international law governing migration. The current framework is scattered throughout a wide array of rules belonging to numerous branches of international law, including refugee law, human rights law, humanitarian law, labour law, trade law, maritime and air law, criminal law, and consular and diplomatic law. This textbook therefore cuts through this complexity by clearly demonstrating what the current international law is, and assessing how it operates. The book offers a unique and comprehensive overview of this growing field of international law. It brings together and critically analyses the disparate conventional, customary, and soft law on a broad variety of issues, such as undocumented migration, nationality, trafficking, family reunification, refugee protection, non-discrimination, regional free movement schemes, and trade and development. It also offers a particular focus on important groups of migrants, namely migrant workers, students, and refugees. It maps the current status of the law governing their movement, providing a thorough critical analysis of the various stands of international law which apply to them, suggesting how the law may continue to develop in the future. This book provides the perfect introduction to all aspects of migration and international law.

 

Articoli

  • Alessandro Bufalini, The Global Compact for Safe, Orderly and Regular Migration: What is its contribution to International Migration Law?, in QIL – Zoom-in, 2019, vol. 58, n. 5.
    The recent endorsement by the United Nations General Assembly of the Global Compact for Safe, Orderly and Regular Migration (Global Compact on Migration or GCM)[1] has been the subject of extensive political debate at both the national and international level. This significant public attention is undoubtedly due to the importance that migration policies have assumed as a crucial battlefield of political confrontation. Public concern in this field has indeed considerably increased in recent years, following the so-called European ‘migrant crisis’ and the advent of the Trump administration. Against this backdrop, the adoption of the Global Compact on Migration manifests the widespread belief that States need to grasp migration on a global scale and establish common ground and shared expectations.

 

  • Fulvio Cortese, The Global Compact and national legislation: quid iuris?, in QIL – Zoom-in, 2019, vol. 58, n. 5.
    With regard to the possible approaches of national legislation to its ongoing process of refinement, the Global Compact for safe, orderly and regular migration[1] raises a number of questions: a) The first question concerns the relationship between Government and Parliament: what role can the two institutions play, and what role have they in fact had in relation to Italy’s (non) involvement in the Compact? b) The second question is in regards to the specific content of the Global Compact and the real effects of Italy’s non-accession: in other words, what impact does Italy’s non-involvement have? Further does the outcome change anything with regard to the current legislation on migration and the actual scope of the rights of the persons involved? c) The third question is a ‘flip’ of the previous one: if it were to sign the agreement, what would change for Italy? At this stage we can provide a tentative answer to each of these questions.

 

  • Dragana Kaurin, Data Protection and Digital Agency for Refugees, in World Refugee Council Research Paper, 2019, n. 12.
    For the millions of refugees fleeing conflict and persecution every year, access to information about their rights and control over their personal data are crucial for their ability to assess risk and navigate the asylum process. While asylum seekers are required to provide significant amounts of personal information on their journey to safety, they are rarely fully informed of their data rights by UN agencies or local border control and law enforcement staff tasked with obtaining and processing their personal information. Despite recent improvements in data protection mechanisms in the European Union, refugees’ informed consent for the collection and use of their personal data is rarely sought. Using examples drawn from interviews with refugees who have arrived in Europe since 2013, and an analysis of the impacts of the 2016 EUTurkey deal on migration, this paper analyzes how the vast amount of data collected from refugees is gathered, stored and shared today, and considers the additional risks this collection process poses to an already vulnerable population navigating a perilous information-decision gap.

 

  • Devyani Prabhat, Ann Singleton and Robbie Eyles, Age is Just a Number? Supporting Migrant Young People with Precarious Legal Status in the UK, in The International Journal of Children’s Rights, 2019, vol. 27, n. 2.
    This paper challenges the focus on age 18 as an exclusionary point in law for migrant young people, particularly unaccompanied migrants, with insecure legal status. Initially meant to provide a protective category of “childhood” in law, focus on age 18 creates a sharp transition point in law for young people. This chronological concept of age does not match up with the reality of lives of many young people who step into adulthood without being able to live in a self-supporting manner. Law recognises the constraints and provides some respite for British national children who are in care; however, non-UK migrant and/or asylum-seeking young people in this situation are immediately at risk of losing their liberty. We suggest that non-British migrant young people aged 18–21 should be treated as a youth category in a manner similar to that used for British young people in care.

 

 

  • Angelo Rinella, La Sharì’a in Europa: questioni di diritto comparato, in Diritto pubblico, comparato ed europeo, 2019, n. 2, pp. 633-656.
    The purpose of this paper is to draw the reference framework, not only legal, of the complex expressions of the Sharì’a in European legal systems. The Islamic communities in Europe invoke the application of Sharì’a for the resolution of the controversies that pertain to the area of personal law (family, marriage, succession). The nerve center lies in the balance between the protection of the freedom of religion in its various expressions and the respect for Western legal values. The tools for tearing up the tensions are entrusted to the system of courts or to alternative forms of dispute resolution.

 

  • Kiri Santer, Governing the Central Mediterranean through Indirect Rule: Tracing the Effects of the Recognition of Joint Rescue Coordination Centre Tripoli, in European Journal of Migration and Law, 2019, vol. 21, n. 2.
    The gradual empowerment of the Libyan Coast Guard through EU training and funding has introduced them as a new actor in the Central Mediterranean amongst other civil and military actors intervening to prevent loss of life at sea. This article examines the contested recognition of the authority of the Joint Rescue Coordination Centre Tripoli over the newly formalized Libyan Search and Rescue Region. It argues that the recognition of the Libyan coordination authority made by the International Maritime Organisation, has changed the way the international waters separating Libya and Europe are governed. Through the close analysis of three ethnographic vignettes depicting instances of rescue of migrants by an NGO vessel, this article illustrates how the Italian authorities are able to exercise control over this vast area indirectly via the formalization of the Libyan authority and concomitantly imped the operations of civil rescue NGO boats in the zone. This formalization enables Italian authorities (and their EU counterparts) to establish a form of indirect governance in this liminal border zone that clashes with other preceding legal orders which regulate distress cases at sea, i.e. international maritime law.

 

  • Daniel Thym, A Bird’s Eye View on ECJ Judgments on Immigration, Asylum and Border Control Cases, in European Journal of Migration and Law, 2019, vol. 21, n. 2.
    Many experts of EU migration law deal with ECJ judgments on a regular basis, but they rarely reflect on how individual rulings on diverse themes such as asylum, family reunification or return relate to each other. This article fills that gap and presents a horizontal analysis of 155 judgments combining quantitative and qualitative findings. Our statistical survey shows that selected themes and references from certain countries dominate the ECJ’s activities. In qualitative terms, the article considers three overarching themes: the concept of public policy; the practice of statutory interpretation, including in light of objectives: the principle of proportionality and interaction with domestic courts. Our study shows that the search for cross-sectoral coherence defines much of the case law, although success of this venture is compromised by enduring inconsistencies, which complicate the emergence of a reliable and predictable judicial approach towards the interpretation of secondary legislation on migration.

 

  • Pauline Melin, The Global Compact for Migration: Lessons for the Unity of EU Representation, in European Journal of Migration and Law, 2019, vol. 21, n. 2.
    In December 2018, the Global Compact for Migration was first adopted at the Marrakesh intergovernmental conference to be later endorsed as an UN General Assembly Resolution in New York. From an EU perspective, what started out as a common project to manage migration globally, not to say externally, became a fiasco for the unity of EU representation on the international scene. Unlike the negotiations of international agreements which are framed by the procedure set out in Article 218 TFEU, the negotiations of international soft law do not benefit from a clear legal framework. The Court of Justice has given some indications on the procedural and institutional aspects relevant for the negotiations of international soft law instruments in the Council v. Commission (C-660/13) case but many uncertainties remain. The purpose of this article is to draw lessons from the negotiation process of the Global Compact for the unity of EU representation.

 

  • Juan Pablo Aris Escarcena, Expulsions: The Construction of a Hostile Environment in Calais, in European Journal of Migration and Law, 2019, vol. 21, n. 2.
    After the dismantling of “the great Jungle” of Calais, migrants have returned to settle in the territory of the region. In this article I analyse how different instances of the government have developed policies to expel them from the region. We will focus on how security and humanitarian techniques have been used to create an area (a hostile environment) where the physical and social life of migrants in transit is not sustainable. In particular, it will analyse the closing of service areas to freight trucks, the prohibition of food distribution to migrants in Calais, and the use of physical and symbolic violence against volunteers and migrants. The article is based on an analysis of forms of government through the concept of Milieu (Foucault, 2009) and proposes the concept of Hostile Environment as the materialization of the “Politics of Exhaustion” (De Vries & Guild, 2018).

 

  • Cecilia Rizcallah, Facing the Refugee Challenge in Europe: A Litmus Test for the European Union A Critical Appraisal of the Common European Asylum System through the Lens of Solidarity and Human Rights, in European Journal of Migration and Law, 2019, vol. 21, n. 2.
    According to mainstream discourse, the EU is facing a ‘refugee crisis’ due to a mass influx of asylum seekers, which is putting the Common European Asylum System (CEAS) under pressure. Although this article acknowledges that the CEAS is currently under pressure, it aims to take a different view from the assumption that the—admittedly significant—arrival of asylum seekers constitutes in itself a problem for the EU. It suggests that the problems encountered by the CEAS are rather symptomatic of a deeper gridlock resulting from this system’s lack of compliance with two main EU’s fundamental values, the respect of which constitutes the ‘fundamental premise’ of EU integration, namely solidarity and human rights. From both an historical and a legal perspective, the EU is indeed founded on a set of values comprising the respect of human rights and solidarity. The treaties further require their respect internally (i.e. Articles 2 and 6 TEU), but also vis-à-vis the rest of the world (i.e. Articles 3(5) and 21 TEU). However, the current responses to the arrival of asylum-seekers are, in several respects, in contradiction with these founding values. On the one hand, the internal management of the influx of refugees reveals a lack of solidarity and results in breaches of asylum-seekers’ fundamental rights. On the other, the EU’s asylum policy does not meet the requirement according to which the Union shall, in its relations with the wider world, uphold and promote these values. These observations lead us to believe that facing the refugee challenge constitutes, from a normative perspective at least, a litmus test for the EU at large. Indeed, the EU’s difficulties in dealing with the arrival of the asylum seekers—which have already been the subject of extensive research—appear to be the evidence of an identity crisis. The way the EU, hand in hand with its Member States, responds to this challenge thus amounts to a ‘decisively indicative test’ for its normative foundations that are a prerequisite for the viability of the entire undertaking, and, notably, of the principle of mutual trust.

 

  • Anna-Maria Konsta, Is There a Right to Human Dignity? The Example of the Right to Education of Refugees, in European Journal of Migration and Law, 2019, vol. 21, n. 2.
    The present article attempts a brief presentation of the legal framework in relation to the protection of the right to education and the protection of the human dignity of refugees, with reference to international and emphasis on European law, in an effort to recognize the inviolability of the right to education of refugees. At the same time, the question is raised if there is an independent right to human dignity or if human dignity is merely a framework term in light of which one could interpret, for example, the right to education of refugees. Through the discussed case-law of the European judicial and quasi-judicial bodies, which use the concept of human dignity, in order to protect asylum seekers, a European concept of human dignity has emerged, which may be acknowledged as an absolute fundamental right.

 

  • Marc de Leeuw and Sonja van Wichelen, Un-signing Geneva: legal pragmatics in the management of asylum, in International Journal of Law in Context, 2019, vol. 15, n. 1, p. 20-32.
    In the last decade, several states have increasingly tried to ‘un-sign’ to their humanitarian obligations by seeking ways to circumvent European or international law. Through an analysis of a recently passed act in Australia on the management of asylum seekers, this paper examines how the practice of ‘un-signing’ can be seen as a symptomatic instance of reconfiguring asylum in late modernity. We focus on the proliferation of ‘legal pragmatics’ in the management of refugees. By ‘legal pragmatics’, we refer to the processual ways in which the state attempts to hollow out international refugee law and in which courts respond by reinstating it. Normative consequences are the criminalisation and the juridification of refugees. We argue that the proliferation of ‘legal pragmatics’ illuminates not only the ever-expanding reach of neoliberal changes in domestic legislation, but also the limitations of human rights to adequately respond to the neoliberal vicissitudes of humanitarian government.

 

 

 

 

Blog

  • Anna Lübbe, Administrative Court of Munich on Seehofer Push Backs: No Protection of Interim Legal Protection?, in verfassungsblog.de, 11 maggio 2019.
    Last summer the German Asylstreit – the controversy about push backs of asylum seekers at the Austrian-Bavarian border called for by Minister of Interior Seehofer – jeopardized the stability of the federal government. Seehofer finally arranged take back agreements with a few Dublin member states. Based on the German-Greek agreement, asylum seekers who had already claimed asylum in Greece are to be rejected at the Austrian-Bavarian border and returned to Greece within 48 hours. Is such a bilateral Dublin bypass lawful? In a case of precedence, the Administrative Court of Munich now issued an interim decision (M 5 E 19.50027).

 

 

  • Elspeth Guild, Amending the Visa Code: Collective Punishment of Visa Nationals?, in eumigrationlawblog.eu, 10 maggio 2019.
    The EU legislature has agreed about a substantial reform of the Visa Code which still needs to be adopted officially. It will tie the cost, processing time of visas and availability of multiple entry visas to the success rate of Member States’ return efforts to the relevant country. The idea, proposed by the Commission and accepted both by the Council and the Parliament, is that nationals of countries on the EU’s visa black list, should be punished for the inability of EU Member States to return people (both nationals of the state and where permitted non-nationals who travelled through) to their state.

 

  • Hannes Jöbstl, An Unforeseen Pandora’s Box? Absolute Non-Refoulement Obligations under Article 5 of the ILC Draft Articles on Crimes Against Humanity, in ejiltalk.org, 20 maggio 2019.
    In 2013, the International Law Commission (ILC) added to its long-term work programme the topic of a convention on the prevention and punishment of crimes against humanity. This proposed convention is meant to join sibling conventions addressing genocide and war crimes and would stand in the tradition of other conventions addressing serious crimes, such as torture and enforced disappearance. So far, the ILC has adopted 15 Draft Articles which include a wide range of obligations for future State parties regarding the prevention of crimes against humanity, as well as on measures relating to domestic criminalization, mutual legal assistance and extradition. This blog post, however, focusses on Draft Article 5, which includes an absolute non-refoulement obligation with regard to crimes against humanity.

 

RASSEGNE DELLA GIURISPRUDENZA - ADiM

Consulta le rassegne della giurisprudenza mensili dell’Accademia Diritto e Migrazioni – ADiM

  • Tribunale di Catania, Sez. Reati Ministeriali, Relazione sugli atti del procedimento a carico del Ministro dell’Interno Matteo Salvini
  • Il Tribunale dei Ministri, visto l’art.8, comma 1, Legge Costituzionale n.1/89, dispone la trasmissione degli atti e del presente provvedimento al Procuratore della Repubblica di Catania affinché ne curi l’immediata rimessione al Presidente del Senato per l’avvio della procedura prevista dall’art.9 Legge Cost. citata per il rilascio dell’autorizzazione a procedere nei confronti del Senatore Matteo Salvini in ordine al reato di sequestro di persona aggravato p. e p. dall’art. 605, comma I, II n.2 e III, c.p., “per avere, nella sua qualità di Ministro dell’Interno, abusando dei suoi poteri, privato della libertà personale 177 migranti di varie nazionalità giunti al porto di Catania a bordo dell’unità navale di soccorso “U. Diciotti” della Guardia Costiera italiana alle ore 23:49 del 20 agosto 2018.
  • Link a file PDF (Tribunale di Catania)

 

 

  • Corte europea dei diritti dell’uomo, sez. IV, M.A. e altri c. Lituania, sentenza dell’11 dicembre 2018, causa n. 59793/17.
    In order to remain the “conscience of Europe”, the Court must ensure the effective protection of migrants and especially of asylum-seekers, which requires scrutiny of States’ actions at their land borders and, more specifically, the guarantee of a right of access to international protection procedure. Land borders are not zones of exclusion or exception from States’ human-rights obligations, and this observation also applies to the intermediate zones between border fences and to transit zones. Jurisdiction under both refugee and human-rights law is presumed to be exercised within a State’s territory, including its land borders, international zones, transit zones or areas that are otherwise excised for immigration purposes.

 

  • Corte europea dei diritti dell’uomo, sez. V, Cabucak c. Germania, sentenza del 20 dicembre 2018, causa n. 18706/16.
  • The Court recognises that the domestic courts carefully balanced the competing interests and explicitly took into account the criteria set out in the Court’s case-law. Moreover, having regard to the gravity of the drug-related criminal offences committed by the applicant, and considering the sovereignty of member States to control and regulate the residence of aliens on their territory, the Court finds that the interference was supported by relevant and sufficient reasons, and was proportionate in that a fair balance was struck between the applicant’s right to respect for his private and family life, on the one hand, and the prevention of disorder or crime, on the other hand. In these circumstances the Court concludes that the interference with the applicant’s right to private and family life as protected under Article 8 § 1 of the Convention was justified under Article 8 § 2 of the Convention.

 

 

  • Consiglio di Stato, sez. II, sentenza n. 00494 del 21 gennaio 2019
  • La presenza della moglie italiana non costituisce motivo idoneo a superare la valutazione di pericolosità sociale, tenuto conto del preminente interesse pubblico alla sicurezza tale da far recedere quello alla vita familiare del cittadino straniero macchiatosi di un reato che denota particolare allarme sociale, tenuto conto delle specifiche modalità della condotta penalmente rilevante.

 

  • Corte d’Appello di Brescia, sentenza del 18 gennaio 2019 – (Sentenza pubblicata da ASGI)
  • Costituisce molestia razziale ex art. 2 co. 3 D.Lgs. 215/2003 attribuire un fine lucrativo agli enti impegnati nell’accoglienza e definire i richiedenti asilo clandestini, in quanto tali condotte sono idonee a creare un “clima intimidatorio” e “ostile” nei confronti delle associazioni, clima che può avere senz’altro ripercussioni dirette sui servizi resi ai richiedenti asilo. Quale rimedio a tale discriminazione le associazioni hanno diritto al risarcimento del danno (che nella specie è stato quantificato in 3340 euro).

 

 

 

 

  • D.l. sicurezza Corte Suprema di Cassazione, Sez. I – Civile, sentenza n. 4890 del 19 febbraio 2019.
  • La normativa introdotta con il d.l. n. 113 del 2018 (c.d. sicurezza), convertito nella l. n. 132 del 2018, nella parte in cui ha modificato la preesistente disciplina del permesso di soggiorno per motivi umanitari dettata dall’art. 5, c. 6, del d.lgs. n. 286 del 1998 e dalle altre disposizioni consequenziali, sostituendola con la previsione di casi speciali di permessi di soggiorno, non trova applicazione in relazione alle domande di riconoscimento di un permesso di soggiorno per motivi umanitari proposte prima dell’entrata in vigore (5/10/2018) della nuova legge, le quali devono essere pertanto scrutinate sulla base della normativa esistente al momento della loro presentazione.
  • Leggi la sentenza

 

 

  • Pericolosità sociale dello stranieroConsiglio di Stato, sez. III, sentenza n. 1197 del 20 febbraio 2019.
  • Il diniego di rilascio del permesso per soggiornanti di lungo periodo deve essere sorretto da un giudizio di pericolosità sociale dello straniero, con una motivazione fondata anche sulla durata del soggiorno nel territorio nazionale e sull’inserimento sociale, familiare e lavorativo dell’interessato, escludendo l’operatività di ogni automatismo in conseguenza di condanne penali riportate.
  • Leggi la sentenza

 

  • Finanziamento alle autorità libicheTAR Roma, sez. III-ter, sentenza n. 176 del 7 gennaio 2019.
  • Non può ritenersi che l’impiego del Fondo Africa da parte del Ministero dell’interno per finanziare la Libia nella lotta al traffico dei migranti vada ad alimentare o sostenere pratiche contrarie al diritto internazionale, posto che l’intervento dello Stato italiano mira proprio ad evitare il consolidamento o la diffusione di tali pratiche e la repressione dei traffici criminali, traffici che non possono che prosperare in mancanza di controllo da parte dell’autorità pubblica, libica o italiana, ciascuna necessariamente operante nell’ambito della propria sovranità.

 

 

 

  • Revoca della protezione sussidiariaTribunale di Catania, Ordinanza del 15 febbraio 2019.
    La revoca della protezione sussidiaria impone che, verificata la commissione di uno dei reati di cui all’art. 407, comma 2, lett. a) c.p.p., il Giudice compia una valutazione individuale e del singolo caso specifico per stabilire se il richiedente abbia tenuto o abbia condotta di vita che costituisce un pericolo per la sicurezza dello Stato ovvero per l’ordine pubblico e la sicurezza pubblica. In altre parole, verificata la sussistenza di una sentenza passata in giudicato, occorre valutare quale sia stata la condotta di vita antecedente e successiva alla commissione del reato.
    Notizia pubblicata su Iura Migrantium – Diritto e Diritti delle Migrazioni
  • Trasferimento del richiedente protezione internazionaleCorte di giustizia dell’Unione europea, sentenza del 19 marzo 2019, Abubacarr Jawo c. Bundesrepublik Deutschland, C‑163/17.
    Un richiedente asilo può essere trasferito verso lo Stato membro che sarebbe di regola competente per il trattamento della sua domanda o che gli ha già concesso una protezione sussidiaria, salvo che risulti che le prevedibili condizioni di vita dei beneficiari di protezione internazionale lo esporrebbero a una situazione di estrema deprivazione materiale, contraria al divieto di trattamenti inumani o degradanti.

 

 

  • Controlli alle frontiereCorte di giustizia europea, sentenza del 19 marzo 2019, Préfet des Pyrénées-Orientales c. Abdelaziz Arib, C‑444/17.
    La frontiera interna di uno Stato membro sulla quale sono stati ripristinati i controlli di frontiera non può essere equiparata ad una frontiera esterna ai sensi della direttiva rimpatri. L’articolo 2, paragrafo 2, lettera a), della direttiva 2008/115/CE del Parlamento europeo e del Consiglio, del 16 dicembre 2008, recante norme e procedure comuni applicabili negli Stati membri al rimpatrio di cittadini di paesi terzi il cui soggiorno è irregolare, in combinato disposto con l’articolo 32 del regolamento (UE) 2016/399 del Parlamento europeo e del Consiglio, del 9 marzo 2016, che istituisce un codice unionale relativo al regime di attraversamento delle frontiere da parte delle persone (codice frontiere Schengen), deve essere interpretato nel senso che non si applica al caso di un cittadino di un paese terzo, fermato nelle immediate vicinanze di una frontiera interna e il cui soggiorno nel territorio di uno Stato membro è irregolare, anche qualora tale Stato membro abbia ripristinato, ai sensi dell’articolo 25 di tale regolamento, il controllo a tale frontiera, in ragione di una minaccia grave per l’ordine pubblico o la sicurezza interna di detto Stato membro.

 

  • Minori stranieri non accompagnatiCorte europea dei diritti dell’uomo, sez. V, sentenza del 28 febbraio 2019, Khan c. France, causa n. 12267/16.
    Dans les affaires relatives à l’accueil d’étrangers mineurs, accompagnés ou non accompagnés, il convient de garder à l’esprit que la situation d’extrême vulnérabilité de l’enfant est déterminante et prédomine sur la qualité d’étranger en séjour illégal. La Cour a ainsi souligné qu’en tant que mineur étranger non accompagné en situation irrégulière, le requérant relevait de la «catégorie des personnes les plus vulnérables de la société», et qu’il appartenait à l’État grec de le protéger et de le prendre en charge par l’adoption de mesures adéquates au titre des obligations positives découlant de l’article 3.

 

  • Non discriminazioneCorte Costituzionale, sentenza del 15 marzo 2019, n. 50.
    L’assegno sociale non è equiparabile alle prestazioni destinate al soddisfacimento di bisogni primari e volte alla garanzia per la stessa sopravvivenza del soggetto o comunque destinate alla tutela della salute e al sostentamento connesso all’invalidità, con riguardo alle quali l’elemento di discrimine basato sulla cittadinanza deve essere ritenuto in contrasto con l’art. 3 Cost. e con lo stesso divieto di discriminazione formulato dall’art. 14 CEDU.

 

  • CittadinanzaConsiglio di Stato, sez. III, sentenza del 20 marzo 2019, n. 1837.
    L’amministrazione, nel riconoscere la cittadinanza ai sensi dell’art. 9 della l. n. 91 del 1992, è chiamata ad effettuare una delicata valutazione in ordine alla effettiva e complessiva integrazione dello straniero nella società, ma non può limitarsi, pur nel suo ampio apprezzamento discrezionale, ad un giudizio sommario, superficiale ed incompleto, ristretto alla mera considerazione di un fatto risalente, per quanto sanzionato penalmente, senza contestualizzarlo all’interno di una più ampia e bilanciata disamina che tenga conto dei suoi legami familiari, della sua attività lavorativa, del suo reale radicamento al territorio, della sua complessiva condotta che, per quanto non totalmente irreprensibile sul piano morale, deve comunque mostrare, perlomeno e indefettibilmente, una convinta adesione ai valori fondamentali dell’ordinamento, di cui egli chiede di far parte con il riconoscimento della cittadinanza.

 

  • Permesso di soggiorno per motivi umanitariTAR Molise, sez. I, sentenza del 21 febbraio 2019, n. 65.
    Non è configurabile irragionevole disparità nel trattamento differenziato previsto dall’art. 24, d.lgs. n. 251 del 2007, laddove riconosce il titolo di viaggio soltanto ai rifugiati e ai beneficiari della protezione sussidiaria, e ciò soprattutto in considerazione del carattere temporaneo e minimale del permesso di soggiorno per motivi umanitari, non del tutto compatibile con il diritto di circolazione ed espatrio che il titolo di viaggio rilasciato dalla Questura sembrerebbe implicare.

 

  • Domanda di protezione internazionale – Corte di giustizia dell’Unione europea, Grande sezione, sentenza del 2 aprile 2019, Staatssecretaris van Veiligheid en Justitie contro H. e R., C-582/17 e C-583/17.
    Il regolamento (UE) n. 604/2013 del Parlamento europeo e del Consiglio, del 26 giugno 2013, che stabilisce i criteri e i meccanismi di determinazione dello Stato membro competente per l’esame di una domanda di protezione internazionale presentata in uno degli Stati membri da un cittadino di un paese terzo o da un apolide, deve essere interpretato nel senso che un cittadino di un paese terzo che abbia presentato una domanda di protezione internazionale in un primo Stato membro, abbia poi lasciato tale Stato membro e abbia successivamente presentato una nuova domanda di protezione internazionale in un secondo Stato membro non può, in linea di principio, invocare, nell’ambito di un ricorso proposto, ai sensi dell’articolo 27, paragrafo 1, di tale regolamento, in detto secondo Stato membro avverso la decisione di trasferimento adottata nei suoi confronti, il criterio di competenza enunciato all’articolo 9 di detto regolamento; può, in via eccezionale, invocare, nell’ambito di un simile ricorso, il succitato criterio di competenza, in una situazione coperta dall’articolo 20, paragrafo 5, del medesimo regolamento, laddove il suddetto cittadino di un paese terzo abbia trasmesso all’autorità competente dello Stato membro richiedente elementi che dimostrino in modo manifesto che quest’ultimo dovrebbe essere considerato lo Stato membro competente per l’esame della domanda in applicazione di detto criterio di competenza.

 

  • Diritto alla libertà e sicurezzaCorte europea dei diritti dell’uomo, sez. I, sentenza del 25 aprile 2019, M. v. The United Kingdom (no. 2), causa n. 62824/16.
    Article 5 of the Convention enshrines a fundamental human right, namely the protection of the individual against arbitrary interference by the State with his or her right to liberty. Sub-paragraphs (a) to (f) of Article 5 § 1 contain an exhaustive list of permissible grounds on which persons may be deprived of their liberty. One of the exceptions, contained in sub-paragraph (f), permits the State to control the liberty of aliens in the immigration context.  It is well established in the Court’s case‑law under the sub‑paragraphs of Article 5 § 1 that any deprivation of liberty must, in addition to falling within one of the exceptions set out in sub‑paragraphs (a) to (f), conform to the substantive and procedural rules of domestic law. In addition to the requirement of “lawfulness”, Article 5 § 1 also requires that any deprivation of liberty should be in keeping with the purpose of protection the individual from arbitrariness. Some delay in implementing a decision to release a detainee is understandable, and often inevitable, in view of practical considerations relating to the running of the courts and the observance of particular formalities. However, the national authorities must attempt to keep this to a minimum. It is for the Contracting States to organise their systems in such a way that their authorities can meet the obligation to avoid unjustified deprivation of liberty.

 

  • Soggiorno illegale dello straniero nel territorio dello Stato Corte Costituzionale, ordinanza del 21 marzo 2019, 64.
    Va dichiarata la manifesta inammissibilità della questione di legittimità costituzionale dell’art. 1, comma 4, d.lgs. 15 gennaio 2016, n. 8 nella parte in cui la previsione secondo la quale non costituiscono reato e sono soggette alla sanzione amministrativa del pagamento di una somma di denaro tutte le violazioni per le quali è prevista la sola pena della multa o dell’ammenda non si applica ai reati di cui al d.lgs. n. 286/1998 (Testo unico sull’immigrazione), così escludendo dalla depenalizzazione anche la contravvenzione di ingresso e soggiorno illegale dello straniero nel territorio dello Stato. L’omessa o insufficiente descrizione della fattispecie oggetto del giudizio a quo determina l’inammissibilità della questione di legittimità costituzionale, in quanto impedisce di verificare la sua effettiva rilevanza.

 

  • Domanda di protezione internazionale Corte di Cassazione, sez. I civile, sentenze del 10 aprile 2019, n. 10108
    A seguito dell’impugnazione del decreto che ha rigettato la domanda di protezione internazionale dinanzi la Corte di cassazione, il ricorrente è soggetto al versamento di un ulteriore importo a titolo di contributo unificato. Tale versamento costituisce un’obbligazione che sorge ex lege per effetto del rigetto dell’impugnazione, della dichiarazione di improcedibilità o di inammissibilità della stessa, anche se il ricorrente sia stato ammesso al patrocinio a spese dello Stato.

 

  • Domanda di protezione internazionale Corte di Cassazione, sez. I civile, sentenza del 9 aprile 2019, n. 9844.
    L’art. 19, comma 4, del d.lgs. n. 150 del 2011, sino alla sua abrogazione ad opera del l. n. 46/2017, prevedeva, in caso di reclamo, la sospensione ex lege del provvedimento di diniego della protezione internazionale sino al termine del giudizio e, dunque, al momento del passaggio in giudicato mentre, con l’entrata in vigore dell’art. 35-bis, comma 13, del d.lgs. n. 25 del 2008, come introdotto dall’art. 6, comma 1, lett. g), del d.l. n. 13 del 2017, la cessazione dell’effetto sospensivo si verifica sempre in caso di rigetto del ricorso con decreto del tribunale anche non definitivo.

 

  • Rinnovo permesso di soggiorno per motivi familiariCassazione civile, sez. I, sentenza del 18 aprile 2019, n. 10925.
    Il rinnovo del permesso di soggiorno per motivi familiari in favore di un cittadino extracomunitario, coniuge di un cittadino italiano, non richiede né il requisito oggettivo della “convivenza” tra il cittadino italiano e il richiedente – salve le conseguenze dell’accertamento di un matrimonio fittizio o di convenienza, ai sensi dell’art. 35 della direttiva 2004/38/Ce del 29 aprile 2004 e dunque, dell’art. 30, comma 1 bis, d.lg. 25 luglio 1998, n. 286 – né quello del pregresso regolare soggiorno del richiedente.

 

  • Protezione internazionale degli omosessuali Corte di cassazione, sez. I civile, sentenza del 23 aprile 2019, n. 11176.
    Hanno diritto alla protezione internazionale le persone omosessuali il cui Paese di provenienza non offra adeguata protezione a fronte di gravissime minacce provenienti da soggetti privati.

 

  • Condanne ostative al rilascio di permesso di soggiorno Consiglio di Stato, sez. III, sentenza del 28 marzo 2019, n. 2683.
    Ai sensi dell’art. 4, comma 3, d. lgs. n. 286 cit., non è ammesso in Italia lo straniero che risulti condannato, tra l’altro, per i reati previsti dall’art. 380, commi 1 e 2, ovvero per reati inerenti gli stupefacenti. Poiché la norma non pone alcuna distinzione rispetto alla gravità della fattispecie di reato, la tesi interpretativa che va nel senso della differenziazione, ai fini ostativi, della fattispecie caratterizzata dalla “lieve entità”, ex art. 73, comma 5, d.P.R. n. 309/1990 rispetto a quella “ordinaria” non può essere accolta (vedi anche, di recente, Consiglio di Stato, Sez. III, n. 4908 del 10 agosto 2018).

 

  • Diniego visto d’ingressoTAR Lazio, sez. III-ter, sentenza del 12 aprile 2019, n. 4819.
    Il diniego del visto d’ingresso turistico a due cittadini iraniani presso l’Ambasciata italiana ad Astana è legittimato dal riscontro dell’incongruenza temporale tra la data di scadenza del permesso di soggiorno in Kazakhistan e quella in cui dichiaravano di volervi fare rientro, data che oltrepassava il termine di residenza legale nel Paese. Tale incongruenza giustifica i dubbi dell’autorità consolare circa la reale intenzione dei due richiedenti di lasciare il territorio dell’Italia (o degli altri Paesi membri UE) al termine del loro viaggio turistico, con conseguente diniego dei visti.

 

  • Diritto alla libertà e sicurezzaCorte europea dei diritti dell’uomo, sez. V, sentenza del 2 aprile 2019 Aboya Boa Jean v. Malta, causa n. 62676/16.
    While under Article 5 § 1 detention which is not compliant with domestic law induces a violation of that provision, a breach of time-limits for automatic reviews established in law did not necessarily amount to a violation of Article 5 § 4, if the proceedings by which the lawfulness of an applicant’s detention are examined have nonetheless been decided speedily. Indeed, the forms of judicial review satisfying the requirements of Article 5 § 4 might vary from one domain to another and would depend on the type of deprivation of liberty in issue. In particular, in the context of detention pending deportation or extradition, the factors affecting the lawfulness of detention might change over the course of time. Therefore, short intervals between reviews could be necessary for detention pending deportation or extradition as compared to detention after conviction by a competent court. In the applicant’s case, despite certain irregularities the time which had elapsed until his first review could not be considered unreasonable.

 

  • Cittadinanza UE – Corte di giustizia dell’Unione europea, Grande sezione, sentenza del 12 marzo 2019, M.G. Tjebbes e a. c. Minister van Buitenlandse Zaken, C-221/17.
    L’articolo 20 TFUE, letto alla luce degli articoli 7 e 24 della Carta dei diritti fondamentali dell’Unione europea, deve essere interpretato nel senso che esso non osta a una normativa di uno Stato membro che preveda, a determinate condizioni, la perdita ipso iure della cittadinanza di tale Stato membro, comportando, nel caso di persone che non sono in possesso anche della cittadinanza di un altro Stato membro, la perdita del loro status di cittadino dell’Unione europea e dei diritti ad esso correlati. Questo però a condizione che le autorità nazionali competenti, inclusi gli organi giurisdizionali, possano verificare, anche in via incidentale, che la perdita della cittadinanza dello Stato membro interessato (che comporta anche la perdita dello status di cittadino dell’Unione) rispetti il principio di proporzionalità con riferimento alle conseguenze che essa determina sulla situazione di ogni interessato e dei suoi familiari e, se del caso, far riacquistare ex tunc la cittadinanza agli interessati.

 

  • Trasferimento del richiedente protezione internazionaleCorte di giustizia dell’Unione europea, Grande Sezione, sentenza del 19 marzo 2019, Bashar Ibrahim e a. c. Bundesrepublik Deutschland e Bundesrepublik Deutschland c. Taus Magamadov, C-297/17, C-318/17, C-319/17 e C-438/17.
    A
    i sensi del regolamento n. 604/2013/UE (c.d. regolamento “Dublino”)un richiedente protezione internazionale si considera “fuggito” qualora si sia sottratto deliberatamente alle autorità nazionali competenti al fine di scongiurare l’esecuzione di un trasferimento. Salvo dimostrazione contraria, una simile situazione si considera sussistente in via presuntiva quando si verifichi che un trasferimento non possa essere eseguito a causa del fatto che il richiedente ha lasciato il luogo di residenza assegnatogli senza averne informato le autorità nazionali competenti, a condizione che egli sia stato informato dei suoi obblighi al riguardo. A tal proposito, si ritiene che l’articolo 29, par. 2, del regolamento Dublino vada interpretato nel senso che, al fine di prorogare il termine di trasferimento a un massimo di diciotto mesi, è sufficiente che lo Stato membro richiedente informi, prima della scadenza del termine di sei mesi, lo Stato membro competente del fatto che l’interessato è fuggito, contestualmente indicando il nuovo termine di trasferimento. Infine, l’articolo 4 della Carta dei diritti fondamentali non osta a un trasferimento del richiedente protezione internazionale, a meno che il giudice investito del ricorso avverso la decisione di trasferimento non constati, sulla base di elementi oggettivi, attendibili, precisi e opportunamente aggiornati e in considerazione del livello di tutela dei diritti fondamentali garantito dal diritto dell’Unione, l’esistenza di grave rischio di subire un trattamento inumano o degradante per il richiedente a causa del fatto che, in caso di trasferimento, quest’ultimo si verrebbe a trovare, indipendentemente dalla sua volontà e dalle sue scelte personali, in una situazione di estrema deprivazione materiale.

 

 

  • Parità di trattamentoCorte Costituzionale, ordinanza del 15 marzo 2019, n. 52.
    La normativa italiana che regola il diritto al godimento dell’assegno di maternità e dell’assegno per nuclei familiari con almeno tre figli minori per i soggiornanti di lungo periodo deve essere letta alla luce della direttiva 2011/98/UE relativa alla procedura di domanda per il rilascio del permesso unico di soggiorno e lavoro, laddove tale direttiva riconosce (vedi in particolare artt. 3, par. 1, lett. b e art. 12) a tutti i cittadini di paesi terzi in possesso di un permesso di soggiorno, e a cui è consentito lavorare in uno Stato membro, il diritto alla parità di trattamento con i cittadini di quello Stato per quanto concerne i settori della sicurezza sociale. Di conseguenza, anche un permesso di soggiorno per motivi familiari, in quanto non preclude al cittadino di un paese terzo di lavorare in Italia, è titolo che consente di valutare l’accesso alle prestazioni assistenziali.

 

  • Assegno per il nucleo familiare – Corte di Cassazione, sez. lav., ordinanza interlocutoria del 1 aprile 2019, nn. 2021.
    La Sezione Lavoro della Corte di Cassazione ha sollevato questione pregiudiziale diretta ad accertare se l’art. 11, par. 1, lett. d), della direttiva 2003/109/CE, del 25 novembre 2003, nonché il principio di parità di trattamento tra soggiornanti di lungo periodo e cittadini nazionali, ostino ad una legislazione nazionale in base alla quale, al fine del calcolo dell’assegno per il nucleo familiare, nel computo degli appartenenti al nucleo familiare vanno esclusi i familiari del lavoratore di Stato terzo soggiornante di lungo periodo, qualora gli stessi risiedano presso il paese d’origine, al contrario di quanto previsto per i cittadini dello Stato membro.

 

  • Assegno per il nucleo familiare – Corte di Cassazione, sez. lav., ordinanza interlocutoria del 1 aprile 2019, nn. 2022.
    La Sezione Lavoro della Corte di Cassazione ha sollevato questione pregiudiziale diretta ad accertare se l’art. 12, par. 1, lett. e), della direttiva 2011/98/UE, del 13 dicembre 2011, nonché il principio di parità di trattamento tra titolari del permesso unico di soggiorno e di lavoro e cittadini nazionali, ostino ad una legislazione nazionale in base alla quale, al fine del calcolo dell’assegno per il nucleo familiare, nel computo degli appartenenti al nucleo familiare vanno esclusi i familiari del lavoratore di Stato terzo titolare del permesso unico, qualora gli stessi risiedano presso il paese d’origine, al contrario di quanto previsto per i cittadini dello Stato membro.

 

  • Revoca de permesso di soggiorno – Consiglio di Stato, sez. III, sentenza del 14 febbraio 2019, n. 2056.
    Al fine del giudizio per la revoca del permesso di soggiorno di lungo periodo, non è rilevante che le eventuali sentenze penali di condanna siano passate in giudicato, poiché l’art. 9, comma 4, del d.lgs. 286/98 espressamente prevede che «Nel valutare la pericolosità si tiene conto anche … di eventuali condanne anche non definitive». Inoltre, come stabilito dalla Corte costituzionale (vedi Corte Cost. n. 148 del 2008), i criteri sulla cui base è condotta la prognosi favorevole sull’astensione del condannato dalla commissione di ulteriori reati, ai fini della sospensione condizionale, sono diversi rispetto a quelli criteri che presiedono al giudizio di indesiderabilità dello straniero nel territorio italiano.

 

  • Revoca delle misure d’accoglienza – Consiglio di Stato, III, sentenza del 21 marzo 2019, n. 2136.
    In tema di revoca delle misure di accoglienza di fronte ad episodi di violenza, il carattere indifferibile del provvedimento fa sì che il Prefetto dispone con urgenza la revoca delle suddette misure senza l’obbligo di procedere alla comunicazione di avvio del procedimento amministrativo. Tuttavia, perché tali iniziative si concilino con le generali garanzie procedimentali occorre che le contingenze che impongono di sacrificare all’urgenza il diritto di partecipazione dei diretti destinatari della misura di revoca emergano compiutamente dal provvedimento amministrativo e inoltre che le stesse ragioni di urgenza vengano qualificate e valutate, di volta in volta, in relazione alle circostanze del caso concreto ed alla sussistenza di fatti di gravità ed evidenza tali da non consentire di procrastinare ulteriormente l’adozione del provvedimento.

 

  • Conversione permesso di soggiorno per minori non accompagnati – Consiglio di Stato, III, sentenza del 28 marzo 2019, n. 2184.
    Nell’ambito del procedimento di conversione del permesso di soggiorno al compimento della maggiore età per i minori affidati o sottoposti a tutela, la natura non vincolante del parere reso dalla Direzione Centrale dell’Immigrazione e delle Politiche di Integrazione non impone un supplemento di istruttoria in capo alla Questura, la quale può decidere discrezionalmente – se ne ricorrono i presupposti – di svolgere ulteriori approfondimenti e successive valutazioni, oppure di recepire, condividendolo, il parere dell’organo consultivo. Il supplemento istruttorio, infatti, presuppone l’emersione di ulteriori elementi idonei a porlo in discussione.
In particolare, se il giudizio negativo è derivato dall’insufficienza di elementi dai quali desumere la sufficiente integrazione civile e sociale del cittadino straniero, è preciso onere dell’interessato partecipare al procedimento allegando ulteriori elementi sulla base di quali la Questura possa superare la criticità derivante dal parere negativo, pervenendo ad una valutazione favorevole della sua istanza di conversione del titolo di soggiorno. Solo in questo caso la Questura è onerata dall’obbligo di eseguire approfondimenti istruttori, dovendo valutare se gli elementi ritenuti carenti dall’organo consultivo possano essere integrati nell’ambito del procedimento amministrativo.

 

  • Rinnovo permesso di soggiorno – TAR Emilia-Romagna, sez. II, sentenza del 2 aprile 2019, n. 318.
    Non può trovare accoglimento la domanda di rinnovo del permesso di soggiorno per residenza elettiva qualora lo straniero ometta di indicare, in sede di richiesta del titolo di soggiorno, il luogo in cui intende dimorare in quanto la disponibilità di alloggio nel territorio nazionale costituisce presupposto non eludibile per il rilascio del permesso di soggiorno a qualsiasi titolo. Irrilevante è la documentazione depositata in mera copia semplice non autenticata nelle forme di legge, a tutela dell’effettiva genuinità della medesima.

 

  • Rifiuto o revoca dello status di rifugiato per motivi di sicurezza – Corte di giustizia dell’Unione europea, Grande sezione, sentenza del 14 maggio 2019, cause riunite C‑391/16, C‑77/17 e C‑78/17.
    Con riferimento alle persone che rappresentano una minaccia per la sicurezza della comunità (anche in ragione di una condanna per un reato particolarmente grave), l’articolo 14, paragrafi 4 e 5, della direttiva 2011/95/UE prevede la possibilità per gli Stati membri di revocare o negare il riconoscimento dello status di rifugiato. A sua volta, l’articolo 33, paragrafo 2, della Convenzione di Ginevra, pur senza imporre che siano formalmente private di detto status, consente il respingimento delle stesse persone verso un paese in cui la loro vita o libertà sia minacciata. Tuttavia, in virtù degli articoli 4 e 19, paragrafo 2, della Carta dei diritti fondamentali dell’Unione europea, il diritto dell’Unione prevede una protezione internazionale più ampia di quella assicurata dalla Convenzione di Ginevra, vietando in termini perentori l’allontanamento verso uno Stato in cui esista un rischio serio di essere sottoposto a trattamenti inumani e degradanti. Dovendo la direttiva in parola essere interpretata e applicata alla luce dei diritti garantiti dalla Carta, in presenza di un simile rischio gli Stati membri non potranno procedere all’allontanamento, espulsione o estradizione dello straniero, pur formalmente privato dello status formale (ma non della qualità) di rifugiato per motivi di sicurezza interna.

 

  • Permesso di soggiorno per motivi umanitari – Corte di Cassazione, sez. I civile, ordinanza interlocutoria del 3 maggio 2019, n. 1749.
    La prima sezione civile della Corte di Cassazione ha rimesso al Primo Presidente, per l’eventuale assegnazione alle Sezioni Unite ai sensi dell’articolo 374, comma 2, c.p.c., le seguenti questioni in tema di protezione internazionale e di immigrazione: a) se la normativa introdotta con il decreto legge n. 113/2018, convertito nella legge n. 132/2018, nella parte in cui ha modificato la preesistente disciplina del permesso di soggiorno per motivi umanitari di cui all’articolo 5, comma 6, del d.lgs. n. 286/1998 e delle altre disposizioni consequenziali, sostituendola con la previsione di casi speciali di permessi di soggiorno, trovi applicazione in relazione a domande di riconoscimento del permesso di soggiorno per motivi umanitari proposte prima dell’entrata in vigore (5 ottobre 2018) della nuova legge o se, per converso (come ritenuto da Sez. I, ord. 19 gennaio 2019, n. 4890) le domande in parola debbano essere scrutinate sulla base della normativa esistente al momento della loro presentazione; b) se il riconoscimento del diritto al permesso di soggiorno per motivi umanitari, di cui al su richiamato articolo 5, comma 6, del d.lgs. n. 286/1998, al cittadino straniero che abbia realizzato un grado adeguato di integrazione sociale in Italia, debba o meno fondarsi (come ritenuto da Sez. I, ord. 23 febbraio 2018, n. 4455) su una effettiva valutazione comparativa della situazione soggettiva ed oggettiva del richiedente con riferimento al Paese d’origine, al fine di verificare se il rimpatrio possa determinare la privazione della titolarità e dell’esercizio dei diritti umani, al di sotto del nucleo ineliminabile costitutivo dello statuto della dignità personale, in correlazione con la situazione d’integrazione raggiunta nel Paese d’accoglienza.

 

 

  • Iscrizione anagrafica dei richiedenti protezione internazionale – Tribunale di Bologna, sez. protezione internazionale civile, ordinanza del 2 maggio 2019, RG n. 4747/2019.
    L’articolo 4, comma 1-bis, del decreto legislativo n. 142/2015, come modificato dall’articolo 13 del decreto legge n. 113/2018 (c.d. “Decreto sicurezza”), secondo cui il permesso di soggiorno per richiesta d’asilo «non costituisce titolo per l’iscrizione anagrafica», in una lettura giurisprudenziale costituzionalmente orientata e coerente con il quadro normativo eurounitario, non enuclea alcun divieto di iscrizione all’anagrafe per lo straniero. Esso chiarisce soltanto che tale permesso di soggiorno, pur costituendo documento d’identità, non consente di dare luogo a nessun automatismo per l’iscrizione, restando il richiedente asilo soggetto all’ordinario procedimento amministrativo disciplinato dal DPR n. 223/1989. In altre parole, l’articolo 4, comma 1-bis citato abroga la modalità semplificata di iscrizione anagrafica per richiedenti asilo basata sulla sola domanda di protezione ed inserimento nella struttura di accoglienza (prevista dall’articolo 5-bis del medesimo decreto legislativo, come introdotto dalla legge n. 46/2017), senza per questo costituire titolo ostativo all’ottenimento dell’iscrizione.

 

  • Divieto di reingresso Consiglio di Stato, sez. III, sentenza 8 maggio 2019, n. 2992.
    Prima che sia decorso il termine di cinque anni, di fronte al divieto di reingresso di cittadini extracomunitari destinatari di un decreto di espulsione (articolo 4, comma 6, d.lgs. n. 286/1998) ed in assenza dell’autorizzazione in deroga rilasciata dal Ministero dell’Interno (articolo 13, comma 13, d.lgs. n. 286 del 1998), nessuna rilevanza possono assumere, ai fini dell’ottenimento del permesso di soggiorno, il nulla osta al lavoro subordinato rilasciato del Sportello Unico per l’Immigrazione e il visto di ingresso rilasciato dall’Ambasciata italiana nel paese di provenienza. Ciò non toglie che l’interessato, una volta decorso il termine impeditivo scaturente dal decreto di espulsione, possa nuovamente richiedere, se ne ricorrano i presupposti, il rilascio del permesso di soggiorno per lavoro subordinato.

 

 

  • Divieto di automatismo espulsivo Consiglio di Stato, sez. III, sentenza del 30 aprile 2019, n. 2807.
    Quando fra la condanna penale e il diniego del rinnovo del permesso di soggiorno sia intercorso un lungo intervallo di tempo durante il quale il richiedente abbia radicato la propria vita sul territorio dello Stato e nel relativo contesto culturale, occorre rivalutare, nel suo complesso, la sua situazione personale, economica e sociale dello stesso. Negare il permesso di soggiorno in una situazione di comprovato radicamento significherebbe, infatti, produrre effetti gravosi e controproducenti in capo al richiedente, avendo egli perduto ogni legame con il Paese d’origine. Ciò impone di superare l’automatismo della preclusione legislativa di cui all’articolo 4, comma 3, del d.lgs. n. 286/1998, fatto salvo il potere dell’Amministrazione di negare comunque il titolo di soggiorno, sulla base di una valutazione motivata che tenga conto di tutti i fattori del caso di specie.

 

  • Rinnovo del permesso di soggiorno – Consiglio di Stato, sez. III, sentenza del 30 aprile 2019, n. 2800.
    La possibilità di dare rilievo ai “nuovi elementi” sopravvenuti alla presentazione della domanda di rinnovo cui fa riferimento l’articolo 5, comma 5, del d.lgs. n. 286/1998, consegue alla rappresentazione degli stessi all’Amministrazione prima dell’adozione del provvedimento negativo impugnato, la legittimità del quale non può che essere valutata allo stato di fatto e di diritto esistente alla data dell’adozione. È infatti onere dell’interessato dimostrare l’esistenza dei presupposti per l’ottenimento del provvedimento a sé favorevole, anche se sopravvenuti rispetto alla domanda originaria, senza che sia possibile ipotizzare alcun obbligo istruttorio a carico dell’Amministrazione. Diversamente opinando, si darebbe rilievo in giudizio a fatti e circostanze non portate a conoscenza dell’Amministrazione con la dovuta diligenza, lasciando spazio alla indebita sostituzione del Giudice all’Autorità Amministrativa nell’effettuazione di valutazioni che a questa competono.

 

  • Reati ostativi al rilascio del permesso di soggiorno – Consiglio di Stato, sez. III, sentenza del 29 aprile 2019, n. 2083.
    Ai sensi dell’articolo 4, comma 3, d.lgs. n. 286/1998, la condanna per reato in materia di stupefacenti, in mancanza di legami familiari che impongano la valutazione discrezionale comparativa di cui all’articolo 5, comma 5, ultimo periodo del d.lgs. n. 286/1998 (cfr. da ultimo, Cons. Stato, III, 20 febbraio 2019, n. 1174), è ostativa al rilascio o al rinnovo del permesso di soggiorno ordinario secondo un automatismo preclusivo indenne da rilievi di costituzionalità (cfr. Corte Cost. n. 148 del 2008). Deve comunque considerarsi legittimo il provvedimento di diniego del Questore che, in presenza di condanne per reati di particolare gravità, si sia limitato a sottolineare, ai fini del diniego, la particolare gravità dei reati, senza spiegare perché gli interessi familiari siano da considerarsi soggiacenti rispetto alla sicurezza dello Stato. Sussiste infatti una soglia di gravità oltre la quale il comportamento criminale non può bilanciarsi con quello privato alla vita familiare (Cons. Stato Sez. III, 19 febbraio 2019, n. 1161).

 

  • Applicazione nel tempo del decreto sicurezza TAR Lombardia, sez. II, sentenza del 29 aprile 2019, n. 407.
    Se, in virtù del principio di cui all’articolo 11 delle Preleggi, la disciplina di cui al decreto legge n. 113/2018 non trova applicazione ai procedimenti per il riconoscimento del permesso di soggiorno per motivi umanitari che sono già stati avviati (e non ancora conclusi), tanto meno essa potrà avere rilievo con riferimento ad un’ipotesi in cui la protezione umanitaria sia già stata riconosciuta al richiedente, al fine di elidere un beneficio – l’erogazione delle misure di accoglienza – collegato a detto riconoscimento.

 

  • Requisito reddituale per il rilascio del permesso di soggiorno TAR Lazio, sez. I-ter, sentenza del 26 aprile 2019, n. 5310.
    Ai fini del rilascio del permesso di soggiorno, il possesso del requisito reddituale deve essere valutato in una prospettiva dinamica. Dagli interventi della giurisprudenza amministrativa su tale questione si ricava che: a) ai fini del rilascio e del rinnovo del permesso di soggiorno, costituisce condizione soggettiva non eludibile il possesso di un reddito minimo; b) tuttavia, ai fini del rinnovo, la sussistenza o meno del requisito reddituale deve risultare da una valutazione non limitata al conseguimento di redditi, ma comprensiva della capacità reddituale futura desumibile da nuove opportunità di lavoro, se formalmente e tempestivamente documentate; c) non è necessaria la dimostrazione del possesso, in modo assoluto ed ininterrotto, del predetto livello di reddito ai fini del rinnovo del permesso di soggiorno, potendo esservi periodi nei quali tali requisiti possono in tutto o in parte mancare, purché siano limitati nel tempo e non determinino una definitiva perdita della capacità di produrre reddito; d) anche i redditi percepiti in modo irregolare possono essere valutati ai fini della sussistenza del requisito reddituale di cui all’articolo 29, comma 3, lett. b), d.lgs. n. 286/1998.

 

  • Evasione fiscale e diniego del permesso di soggiornoTAR Emilia Romagna, sez. I, sentenza del 23 aprile 2019, n. 358.
    L’evasione fiscale e contributiva, in conformità con il principio di legalità, non può essere una ragione, neanche indiretta, di diniego del rinnovo del permesso di soggiorno, non avendola il legislatore prevista come causa ostativa. Diversamente, tali irregolarità rilevano per la concessione di un permesso per soggiornante di lungo periodo, dal momento che nella direttiva 2003/109/CE, al punto 7 della premessa, si afferma che «gli Stati membri, al momento di valutare la disponibilità di un reddito stabile e regolare, possono tener conto di fattori quali i contributi al regime pensionistico e l’adempimento degli obblighi fiscali». In questo secondo caso, quando il ricorrente mostrerà di aver interrotto le condotte evasive, avendo inoltre posto rimedio a quelle passate, potrà senz’altro ottenere il permesso richiesto laddove permangano gli altri requisiti necessari a tal fine.

 

  • Dovere di cooperazione del giudice Corte di Cassazione, sezione VI civile, ordinanza del 26 aprile 2019, n. 11312.
    Ai fini dell’accertamento della fondatezza o meno di una domanda di protezione internazionale, fondata sulla condizione di pericolo di danno di cui all’art. 14, lett. c), d.lgs. n. 251/2007 (violenza indiscriminata in situazioni di conflitto armato determinativa di minaccia grave alla vita o alla persona), il giudice del merito è tenuto, ai sensi dell’art. 8, comma 3, del d.lgs. n. 25/2008, a un dovere di cooperazione che gli impone di accertare la situazione reale del paese di provenienza mediante l’esercizio di poteri-doveri officiosi di indagine e di acquisizione documentale, in modo che ciascuna domanda venga esaminata alla luce di informazioni aggiornate sul paese del richiedente. Il dovere di cooperazione non può dirsi adempiuto se il giudice, ricorrendo a formule generiche e stereotipate, non abbia specificato le fonti sulla scorta delle quali ha provveduto a svolgere l’accertamento richiesto. Non sarà peraltro sufficiente motivare in base a fonti internazionali, non meglio particolareggiate, che attesterebbero l’assenza di conflitti o di situazioni ostative al rimpatrio nei paesi di provenienza dei migranti richiedenti la protezione internazionale.

 

  • Illegittimità del decreto espulsivo del prefettoCorte di Cassazione, sezione VI civile, ordinanza del 26 aprile 2019, n. 11309.
    In costanza della rituale proposizione di una domanda di protezione internazionale sussiste il divieto di espulsione, avendo il richiedente il diritto di rimanere sul territorio dello Stato durante l’esame della domanda medesima, fino alla decisione della commissione territoriale per il riconoscimento della protezione internazionale (con la sola salvezza delle ipotesi di cui al comma 2 dell’art. 7 d.lgs. n. 25/2008). Poiché soltanto tale commissione è soggetto legittimato ad esaminare la domanda, deve ritenersi illegittimo il decreto espulsivo del prefetto, emesso in seguito a trasmissione degli atti da parte del questore che, sulla base delle motivazioni apposte sul foglio notizie, abbia ritenuto insussistenti le condizioni per la concessione della protezione internazionale.

 

  • Revoca del progetto SPRAR del comune di Riace – TAR Calabria, Sezione staccata di Reggio Calabria, sentenza del 21 maggio 2019, n. 356.
    Disposizioni come l’art. 27 del D.M. 10.8.2016 rafforzano gli strumenti di partecipazione procedimentale previsti in generale dagli articoli 7 e seguenti della l. 7 agosto 1990, n. 241, ed ostano alla prassi, seguita nel caso di specie dall’amministrazione resistente, di richiamare atti precedenti, senza precisare né le contestazioni che avrebbero potuto portare alla decurtazione del punteggio, né la consistenza delle decurtazioni ipotizzate e neppure il termine entro il quale porre rimedio alle inosservanze rilevate.